The WA forest conflict: The construction of the political effectiveness of advocacy organisations

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (78) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Worth
2018 ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Max Abrahms

This chapter revisits the most commonly cited examples in history of terrorism paying politically. If even these cases fail to illustrate the political effectiveness of terrorism then that would further undermine the evidentiary basis of the Strategic Model. Many scholars point to the political successes of the Irgun, African National Congress, and Hezbollah as evidence that terrorism is an effective instrument of coercion. Yet these campaigns did not coerce the occupying powers to withdraw by attacking their civilians. Instead, the groups focused their attacks on military and other government targets. This chapter shows that people overestimate the value of terrorist campaigns by lumping them together with guerrilla campaigns that have been far more successful.


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
William H. Kaempfer ◽  
Anton D. Lowenberg ◽  
William Mertens

Abstract Immigration policy is viewed as endogenously determined by interest group competition. The political effectiveness of each interest group depends on its ability to control free riding. Support maximizing politicians supply policies in response to the pressures exerted by interest groups of differing political effectiveness, such differences being the main factor accounting for the adoption of socially inefficient policies. The model demonstrates that immigration policy outcomes are explained by the skill levels of immigrant workers, lengths of stay in the destination country, ethnic and family ties, and the costs of enforcing immigration laws, together with possible voter prejudices toward immigrants.


2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-575 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Goetz

Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.


2004 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H. Kaempfer ◽  
Anton D. Lowenberg ◽  
William Mertens

Abstract Immigration policy is viewed as endogenously determined by interest group competition. The political effectiveness of each interest group depends on its ability to control free riding. Support maximizing politicians supply policies in response to the pressures exerted by interest groups of differing political effectiveness, such differences being the main factor accounting for the adoption of socially inefficient policies. The model demonstrates that immigration policy outcomes are explained by the skill levels of immigrant workers, lengths of stay in the destination country, ethnic and family ties, and the costs of enforcing immigration laws, together with possible voter prejudices toward immigrants.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 470-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Grosser

The double crisis we witnessed last autumn dates back to six months ago, yet it may already be possible to outline a schematic picture of its repercussions on the international organizations in Europe. I shall describe neither the structures of these organizations nor the way they work, but, rather, the political context, which alone permits us to evaluate their potential for action and influence on the European scene. This paper will therefore deal first with the immediate consequences of the Budapest massacres and with the unsuccessful enterprise of the Anglo-French forces in Suez. It will then try to evaluate the present political motivations of the French, British, and German policies, and this will lead to an examination of the political decay of both NATO in Europe and the Western European Union. A cursory glance at what is usually called the European parliaments—already in existence or in the process of being created—will lead us to conclusions in which the Algerian question and the question of German reunification will figure more predominantly than international organizations whose juridical future seems more certain than their political effectiveness.


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