The Influence of Regional Identity and Community Activities on the Political Effectiveness: Focus on Daejeon, Sejong, Chungnam region in Korea

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Jaehyun Lee
2018 ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Max Abrahms

This chapter revisits the most commonly cited examples in history of terrorism paying politically. If even these cases fail to illustrate the political effectiveness of terrorism then that would further undermine the evidentiary basis of the Strategic Model. Many scholars point to the political successes of the Irgun, African National Congress, and Hezbollah as evidence that terrorism is an effective instrument of coercion. Yet these campaigns did not coerce the occupying powers to withdraw by attacking their civilians. Instead, the groups focused their attacks on military and other government targets. This chapter shows that people overestimate the value of terrorist campaigns by lumping them together with guerrilla campaigns that have been far more successful.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
Денис Докучаев ◽  
Denis Dokuchaev

The article is devoted to identifying the specifics of the regional community on the example of the Ivanovo region in the study of the political and symbolic practices of the population related to the construction of a positive image of the territory. Separately, the author examines aspects of increasing tourist appeal in the context of the formation of a positive image of the region. Chronological scope of the study is 2005-2015 years. Since 2006, the Ivanovo region begins to position itself as an area for investment. Cultural background is being gradually created. So, in the region appeared event activity in the form of the International Film Festival named after AndreiTarkovsky´s «Mirror», the Russian Fashion Festival «Pies on the Volga. Flax Palette» and others. Points of growth of the tourist attraction gradually emerged. Such centers became the city of Palekh and Pies. However, all policy carried out by the authorities for creating a positive image of the region was doomed to failure because it does not take into account the peculiarities of the regional identity of the inhabitants of the Ivanovo region. Attempts to create event-activity, designing new meanings of the area led in the region, on the one hand, to short marketing effect and on the other hand, the rejection of these ideas by the community. Search of indigenous meanings of regional identity, their analysis, as well as building a competent policy of creation of positive image of the territory - that is the task that must be a priority in the activities of local authorities. However, for various reasons this system work in the Ivanovo region has not been accomplished and is not carried out. The author concludes that effective and sustainable can be only one image of the territory, which was constructed on the basis of the analysis of the power of the «internal» forces of regional identity, and wasn´t imposed by political expediency.


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
William H. Kaempfer ◽  
Anton D. Lowenberg ◽  
William Mertens

Abstract Immigration policy is viewed as endogenously determined by interest group competition. The political effectiveness of each interest group depends on its ability to control free riding. Support maximizing politicians supply policies in response to the pressures exerted by interest groups of differing political effectiveness, such differences being the main factor accounting for the adoption of socially inefficient policies. The model demonstrates that immigration policy outcomes are explained by the skill levels of immigrant workers, lengths of stay in the destination country, ethnic and family ties, and the costs of enforcing immigration laws, together with possible voter prejudices toward immigrants.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (10) ◽  
pp. 2324-2341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Bo Nielsen ◽  
Heather Plumridge Bedi

India has over the recent decade witnessed a spate of land transfers as Special Economic Zones, extractive industries, or real estate dispossess farmers, land owners, and indigenous groups of their land. As a result, struggles over land have emerged with force in many locations, almost across India. Yet while the political economy and legal aspects of India’s new ‘land wars’ are well documented, the discourses and identities mobilised against large-scale forcible land transfers receive less scholarly attention. We suggest ‘the regional identity politics’ of India’s current land wars to explain the important role of place-based identities in garnering broad, public support for popular anti-dispossession movements. We explore how land, and its produce, are mobilised by anti-dispossession movements in the Indian states of Goa and West Bengal. The movements mobilised land and food not as emblematic of structural changes in the political economy, but first and foremost within a symbolic field in which they came to stand metaphorically for regional forms of belonging and identity under threat. While reinforcing regional solidarity, these identities also contributed to the fragmented and often highly localised nature of India’s current land wars, while also potentially disrupting efforts to sustain organising in the long term.


2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-575 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Goetz

Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.


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