The aftermath of Turkey’s July 15th coup attempt: normalizing the exceptional through legitimation, narrativization and ritualization

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Olivia Glombitza
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ergin Bulut ◽  
Başak Can

Following the coup attempt in Turkey, former Gulenists made appearances on various television channels and disclosed intimate and spectacular information regarding their past activities. We ask: what is the political work of these televised disclosures? In answering this question, we situate the coup within the media event literature and examine the intimate work of these televised disclosures performed as part of a media event. The disclosures we examine were extremely spectacular statements that worked to reconstruct a highly divided and polarized society through an intimate language. Consequently, these television performances had two functions: ideological and affective. First, these disclosures and television shows chose to foreground sensation and therefore mystified the illegal networks that historically prepared the coup. Second, using a language of regret and apology, these disclosures aimed to teach the audience how to be purified and good citizens through a mediated, pedagogical relationship. Within the vulnerable context of a hegemonic crisis, these disclosures intended to form their own publics where citizens were invited to sympathize with those who made mistakes in the past, ultimately aiming to create national unity and reconciliation.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


Desertion ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Théodore McLauchlin

This chapter recounts a critical instance of coercion in Spain, covering the execution for disloyalty of over a thousand members of the regular officer corps on the Republican side. It discusses the war that started with a failed coup attempt on July 18, 1936, which split the officer corps and cast a shroud of suspicion on the officers who remained on the Republican side. It also emphasizes how deep fear drove the executions of many of the officers in uncontrolled and local violence. The chapter shows how violence provoked many defections, particularly in those units where the violence seemed to be driven by the stereotype of traitorous officers. It explores the Cuerpo de Ejército de Santander to determine the impact of an influx of conscripts.


Author(s):  
Osman Balkan

This essay examines the aftermath of the 2016 failed military coup in Turkey through the political afterlives of its victims and perpetrators. Focusing on Istanbul's ‘Cemetery of Traitors’ (established to inter the remains of dead coup plotters) as well as the funeral ceremonies of both soldiers and civilians who died during the coup attempt, it illustrates how corpses become politicized sites of struggle and resistance. In doing so, it demonstrates that the treatment and commemoration of the dead is a critical means through which states and other actors demarcate the contours of national, religious, and political communities.


Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen

This chapter provides historical context to the tensions between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Abu Dhabi from the mid-nineteenth century up until 2011. The chapter covers the emergence of Qatar and the disruptive impact on all the smaller Gulf States, including the UAE, of Saudi expansionary designs on the Arabian Peninsula. Beginning in the 1990s, a new generation of Qatari leaders began to develop political and economic policies that carved a more autonomous role for Qatar in regional affairs. In February 1996, the same four states that would blockade Qatar in 2017 were linked to an abortive coup attempt against the Emir of Qatar, and the chapter ends by examining the aftermath of the coup attempt and the trajectory of Saudi pressure on Qatar in the 2000s.


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