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Published By Moscow State Institute Of International Relations

2541-9633, 2587-8476

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-179
Author(s):  
R. Reinhardt

Р.О. Райнхардт – доцент кафедры дипломатии МГИМО МИД России, специалист в области истории и теории дипломатии. Его основные научные интересы охватывают такие темы, как экономическая дипломатия, научная дипломатия, международное научнотехническое сотрудничество в контексте российской внешней политики, а также внешних связей ЕС. Окончил МГИМО МИД России. В 2016 г. получил ученую степень кандидата экономических наук.Беседу вел С.М. Маркедонов, главный редактор журнала «Международная аналитика»


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
A. Szabaciuk

This essay evaluates the standpoint that the Roman Catholic Church has adopted regarding the European migrant crisis. Some countries feel a severe outfl ow of people due to mass labor migration; others must deal with the challenges as transit states, and others – enormous challenges generated by the infl ux of economic immigrants and refugees. The most popular theories of migration and public policies very often ignore the ethical component of migration. One of the entities that constantly emphasizes the humanitarian aspect of migration is the Holy See. Popes, beginning with Leo XIII, have repeatedly raised the issue of rights to a dignifi ed life and decent work, and if it is necessary also to migrate in search of a safe shelter and a better life. Pope Francis, like his predecessors, referring to the problem of migration, puts people fi rst. He emphasizes that all migration streams consist of individuals who deserve respect and care because we see in them the face of God. This paper concludes that the Church remains the signifi cant international body impartial amidst the growing European schism on the migrant issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
N. P. Shok ◽  
N. A. Belyakova

The article analyzes the cooperation of UN structures with religious non-governmental organizations, as well as with faith-based communities. The authors consider diff erent levels of the infl uence of the religious factor on the UN activity, and also articulate new directions of its development, outlined during the COVID-19 period. The authors focus on the latent semantic and structural confl ict nature of the global agenda, which is formulated by elites who recognize the “benefi ts” of religious institutions and seek to use the possibilities of religious networks, on the one hand. On the other hand, they point to internal disagreements characteristic of national religious communities, which, as a result of their participation in international dialogue, bring additional tension both to global discussions and to the internal processes of their countries. Global health, which has become an important part of international relations, puts on the agenda the search for a new ethic of global dialogue, of which religious values and religious actors are becoming a part. In the COVID-19 pandemic, trends have emerged that have made the role of religion more visible in the current global health and bioethics agenda. First of all, in connection with the threats of a global pandemic, the need to create new forms of global health management and response to epidemic threats, as well as the organization of a system of “assistance” to developing countries in the fi eld of public health.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
E. O. Shebalina

In this essay, the author made an attempt to study the origins, functions and vectors of papal diplomacy, focusing on its transformation in the conditions of the modern political system, to analyze the main social principles on which the foreign policy of the Holy See is based; to fi nd out what methods are used by the state to promote Christian moral values in global politics. Besides, studying numerous examples of mediation policy of the Vatican in international aff airs, the author has investigated the methods by which the theocratic monarchy, lacking signifi cant territorial and military resources, plays a signifi cant role in contemporary international relations. Papal diplomacy, as one of the fi rst in the world, has successfully adapted to the processes taking place in world politics. Based on the basic principles stemming from the Code of Canon Law and the Social Doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, the Holy See participates in most of the international negotiation platforms where topical issues of world politics are raised.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-87
Author(s):  
Ju. V. Roknifard

This paper analyzes the Islam’s impact on the Malaysian politics. Islam as an instrument of Malaysia’s foreign policy has been used by the political elite of the state for decades. Observers note the Islamization of the country’s foreign policy, especially during the premiership of Najib Razak (2008– 2018). However, the trend towards Islamization can be traced back to the moment Malaysia gained independence from Great Britain in 1957 and especially during the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). The formation of such a foreign policy of Malaysia took place against the background of the Islamization of the political and social environment within the country, which, in turn, was the result of an internal political struggle. Thus, the projection of Malaysia’s identity into the outside world and the foreign policy corresponding to this identity was often motivated by the need to retain or attract the support of the malay-muslim majority in the domestic political arena. Since many of the issues raised in the article relate to identity both at the national and global level, a constructivist paradigm is used to conceptualize Malaysia’s foreign policy with a special emphasis on the identity of states. Particularly important in this process is the formation of domestic and foreign policy discourse. Malaysia’s Islamic identity is viewed externally in three dimensions: the Sunni state, the activist state in the Islamic world and the standard of moderate Islam. Consideration of these dimensions reveals quite obvious contradictions between them, as well as between rhetoric and real politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
T. L. Shaumyan

The article analyzes the importance of the religious factor in determining the ways of socio-political development of India. India remains a country with a multi-confessional population with a clear predominance of adherents of Hinduism. In addition to the infl uence of Hinduism on the life of orthodox society, where castes still play a special role, which determine the norms of behavior and rules of communication, the author analyzes the role of religion in the political agenda of the country. Under the conditions of colonialism, Hinduism was established as a national religion and the basis of a national tradition. The active involvement of Hinduism in political life began at the end of the nineteenth century, when such political parties as the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha appeared. The task of the latter was to create a Hindu state in India. The author also pays special attention to the analysis of the formation of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is characterized as the political wing of a group of Hindu nationalist organizations. The growing popularity of this party, which won the elections in 2014 and 2019, indicates the strengthening of the positions of communalist organizations. These trends show that the active inclusion of religion in the political agenda aff ects the nature of the country’s democratic institutions, gradually transforming the popular thesis that India is a country representing “unity in diversity”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
A. V. Lomanov

The article examines the key stages in the evolution of the ideological and political approaches of the CPC leadership to religious activity since the beginning of the 21st century. The main points of the study were the Chinese interpretations of the problems of “adaptation to a socialist society” and “Sinicization.” The author tries to identify the relationship between continuity and innovation in the religious policy of the Chinese authorities, taking into account the historical context of the ongoing changes and responses from religious circles. Based on the methods of discourse analysis, an attempt has been made to demonstrate multi-faceted complexity of the problem of “Sinicization” and to outline the contours of all-embracing balanced approach to the study of this topic. The fi rst part of the article examines the foundations of the policy of directing religion towards “conformity to socialist society” formulated under Jiang Zemin. The second part analyzes the main components of Xi Jinping’s concept of “Sinicization” of religions. Chinese believers are encouraged to interpret religious dogmas in accordance with the requirements of social progress and in the spirit of conformity with the best traditions of Chinese culture. The article examines the main directions of “Sinicization” adopted by offi cially recognized religions, covering the spheres of doctrine and liturgical practice, practical work with believers, and training programs for clergy. It is emphasized that the one-sided reduction of “Sinicization” to the state-sponsored policy of “repression” prevents researchers from looking deeper into historical and cultural aspects of the problem. It is concluded that “Sinicization” of religions will help to prevent socio-political marginalization of religions in the course of deep transformations of modern China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
R. D. Crews

This paper examines the Taliban vision of an Islamic polity posing a challenge to neighboring Central and South Asian states as well as more distant ones in Eurasia and the Middle East. As a potential magnet for militants across these regions, Taliban Islam represents an alternative to forms of piety and legal practice in states that have signifi cant Muslim populations and where each government claims some degree of religious legitimation and control over Islamic authority and interpretation. Author claims the Taliban ideology poses a dilemma to regional actors, too, in that it makes all parties who might cooperate with the movement vulnerable to criticism based on human rights discourse. At the same time, the presence of the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISKP) has permitted the movement the opportunity to seek to reframe its international standing and its relationship to violence. The Taliban have adapted their critique of ISKP to the claim that they share a counterterrorism mission with other governments, an assertion that allows the movement and its partners to defl ect criticism from various quarters and normalize relations with other states. Author concludes that, seeking international support, the Taliban have adapted their ideological claims to position the movement simultaneously as a competitor to other visions of militant jihadist politics and as a counterterrorist force laying the groundwork for the legitimation of their place in a rapidly evolving global order.


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