The case of Alevis in Turkey: a challenge to liberal multiculturalism

Author(s):  
Aret Karademir ◽  
Mustafa Şen
Philosophia ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Cofnas

AbstractAccording to the mainstream narrative about race, all groups have the same innate dispositions and potential, and all disparities—at least those favoring whites—are due to past or present racism. Some people who reject this narrative gravitate toward an alternative, anti-Jewish narrative, which sees recent history in terms of a Jewish/gentile conflict. The most sophisticated promoter of the anti-Jewish narrative is the evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald argues that Jews have a suite of genetic adaptations—including high intelligence and ethnocentrism—and cultural practices that lead them to undermine gentile society to advance their own evolutionary interests. He says that Jewish-designed intellectual movements have weakened gentile identity and culture while preserving Jewish identity and separatism. Cofnas recently argued that MacDonald’s theory is based on “systematically misrepresented sources and cherry-picked facts.” However, Cofnas gave short shrift to at least three key claims: (a) Jews are highly ethnocentric, (b) liberal Jews hypocritically advocate liberal multiculturalism for gentiles/gentile countries but racial purity and separatism for Jews/Israel, and (c) Jews are responsible for liberalism and mass immigration to the United States. The present paper examines these claims and concludes that MacDonald’s views are not supported.


Ethnicities ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127
Author(s):  
Avigail Eisenberg

2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Green ◽  
Peter Ives

AbstractThe topics of language and subaltern social groups appear throughout Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks. Although Gramsci often associates the problem of political fragmentation among subaltern groups with issues concerning language and common sense, there are only a few notes where he explicitly connects his overlapping analyses of language and subalternity. We build on the few places in the literature on Gramsci that focus on how he relates common sense to the questions of language or subalternity. By explicitly tracing out these relations, we hope to bring into relief the direct connections between subalternity and language by showing how the concepts overlap with respect to Gramsci's analyses of common sense, intellectuals, philosophy, folklore, and hegemony. We argue that, for Gramsci, fragmentation of any social group's 'common sense', worldview and language is a political detriment, impeding effective political organisation to counter exploitation but that such fragmentation cannot be overcome by the imposition of a 'rational' or 'logical' worldview. Instead, what is required is a deep engagement with the fragments that make up subaltern historical, social, economic and political conditions. In our view, Gramsci provides an alternative both to the celebration of fragmentation fashionable in liberal multiculturalism and uncritical postmodernism, as well as other attempts of overcoming it through recourse to some external, transcendental or imposed worldview. This is fully in keeping with, and further elucidates Gramsci's understanding of the importance of effective 'democratic centralism' of the leadership of the party in relation to the rank and file and the popular masses.


2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-546
Author(s):  
Betto van Waarden

Multicultural theory pays surprisingly little attention to the plurality of identity. In addition, there is still dissatisfaction with Will Kymlicka’s distinction between polyethnic groups and national minorities and the rights they deserve, as well as continued criticism of liberal multiculturalism more broadly. I revisit this distinction based on Amartya Sen’s recent effort to introduce the notion of identity pluralism into liberal debates. In Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (W.W. Norton and Company, New York, 2006), Sen stresses the importance of maintaining political stability through individuals’ plural identities mainly in relation to religious divides and global conflict. Sen’s theory is criticised for being too abstract, but I interpret these abstract ideas to criticise Kymlicka’s distinction between polyethnic groups and national minorities and strengthen liberal multiculturalism. I argue that the notion of identity pluralism implies that a state must promote multicultural ‘participation rights’ for all minority identities, rather than ‘accommodation rights’ for polyethnic groups and ‘self-government rights’ for national minorities as Kymlicka contends. Consequently, regions like Quebec, Flanders and Catalonia would not merit the level of autonomy they currently enjoy, and Scotland should not be granted independence from the United Kingdom.


Politics ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 189-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Knight

JAHR ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-60
Author(s):  
Ivan Cerovac ◽  
Maša Dunatov

Medical experts, both in Croatia and in the world, are facing nowadays an increasing number of cases where the parents refuse, because of certain religious reasons, medical care and certain medical treatments for their children, even though those treatments could preserve the children’s health or even save their lives. The parents are convinced that they are acting with good intentions and in child’s favour, which leads to certain problems regarding the regulation of these cases, as well as to disagreements regarding the rights of parents and their children, or the legitimacy of state interventions in this sphere. This paper puts forward four possible liberal solutions to the above described problem (liberal archipelago, liberal multiculturalism, liberal egalitarianism and liberal feminism), specifies the scope of legitimate interventions by the state that these theories allow, and reviews the advantages of each position, as well as the most important objections directed toward each.


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