state interventions
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2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jake Searell

<p>This thesis examines how the New Zealand state (e.g. government ministries and departments, government-funded social welfare NGOs, and the justice system) engages with religion as it addresses issues of family violence within Pacific Island communitiesin New Zealand. In so doing, I trace the contours of an amorphous New Zealand state secularism. Through an analysis of policy documents, I show that religion has been largely occluded instatefamily violence initiatives. However, through interviews with Pacific Islanders who work at the coalface between the state, Pacific communities,and family violence issues, I show that while they do encounter an implicit and pervasive ‘wall of separation’ between the secular and the religious, they have also found ways to navigate these boundaries through their own strategies. Such strategies are both inevitable and necessary. Because religion is interwoven with family violence in Pacific communitiesin nuanced ways, I argue that sidelining or ignoring religion reduces the effectiveness of state interventions. I show that secularism, expressed in relation to family violence in Pacific communities, has further marginalised those communities, and Pacific women especially. Instead, I propose a more pragmatic approach, one which seeks to address Pacific communities more fully on their own terms. If the New Zealand state wants to successfully engage Pacific communities on issues of family violence, and work toward solutions to these issues, it must also collaborate alongside Pacific churches and faith-based actors.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jake Searell

<p>This thesis examines how the New Zealand state (e.g. government ministries and departments, government-funded social welfare NGOs, and the justice system) engages with religion as it addresses issues of family violence within Pacific Island communitiesin New Zealand. In so doing, I trace the contours of an amorphous New Zealand state secularism. Through an analysis of policy documents, I show that religion has been largely occluded instatefamily violence initiatives. However, through interviews with Pacific Islanders who work at the coalface between the state, Pacific communities,and family violence issues, I show that while they do encounter an implicit and pervasive ‘wall of separation’ between the secular and the religious, they have also found ways to navigate these boundaries through their own strategies. Such strategies are both inevitable and necessary. Because religion is interwoven with family violence in Pacific communitiesin nuanced ways, I argue that sidelining or ignoring religion reduces the effectiveness of state interventions. I show that secularism, expressed in relation to family violence in Pacific communities, has further marginalised those communities, and Pacific women especially. Instead, I propose a more pragmatic approach, one which seeks to address Pacific communities more fully on their own terms. If the New Zealand state wants to successfully engage Pacific communities on issues of family violence, and work toward solutions to these issues, it must also collaborate alongside Pacific churches and faith-based actors.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 144078332110604
Author(s):  
Hanna Moges Lemma ◽  
Ceridwen Spark ◽  
Denise Cuthbert

In this article, we analyse how domestic violence (DV) is understood and experienced among immigrant Ethiopian women in Melbourne, as well as the different conditions that contribute to their experiences of abuse and their responses to it. To do this, we draw on 20 interviews with participants, 7 of whom experienced intimate partner violence. Demonstrating that immigrant Ethiopian women find themselves in a social context with a set of values and understandings of family and DV that differs from their own, we argue that their responses to DV shows their selective acceptance of these values and state interventions. In exploring these themes, we contribute to the discussion about minority women's voices, values and priorities in relation to violence in the migration context. Our findings also highlight the limitations of mainstream approaches to DV, illustrating the extent to which interventions are constructed through reference to western perceptions of individuality and white feminism.


Author(s):  
Raju Ikhar ◽  
Khushbu Meshram ◽  
Tanuja Tembhurne ◽  
Poonam Dani ◽  
Pratiksha Dabhekar ◽  
...  

India is seeing an increase in internet usage, particularly among young and children, as a result of the low cost and easy availability to touch screen mobile phones, tablet devices, and Wi-Fi. Since the previous decade, Internet use in India has grown at an exponential rate, resulting in a generation of gloomy anxiety about it, which has progressed to the point of becoming a hazardous addiction. Behavioral problems are arising due to internet dependence such as temper tantrum, aggression, thought problems, attention problems and rule breaking behaviors in the children and youth people too. Aim: To correlate the level of internet dependence and level of associated behavioral problems among the preschooler children. Materials and Methods: Descriptive correlation research design was used to conduct this study. A non-probability Convenience sampling was used to select the samples.  This research study included 100 preschooler children from the Gajanan nagar (Arvi Naka) selected area of wardha district. Samples must select according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Young's Internet Addiction Test and behavioral scale was used to assess the level of internet dependence and also the level of associated behavioral problems of internet dependence. Results: The level of internet dependence: 3% of the preschooler children were disagree that they had internet dependence 4% had not sure, 80% had agree and 13% of them had strongly agree. Minimum Internet dependence score was 28 and maximum internet dependence score was 64. Mean Internet dependence score was 54.70±6.84 and mean percentage of Internet dependence score was 72.93±9.12. and associated Behavioural problems are 2% of the preschooler children were disagree that they had behavioral problem, 3% had not sure, 77% had agree and 18% of them had strongly agree. Minimum associated behavioral problem score was 37 and maximum associated behavioral problem score was 87. Mean associated behavioral problem score was 75.26±8.07 and mean percentage of associated behavioral problem score was 75.26±8.7. The hypothesis is tested statistically with association between internet dependence and behavioral problem. Conclusion: Parents and schools should educate their children on how to use the internet responsibly and how to balance time between online surfing, schoolwork, and outside physical activity. This study shows that there is a correlation-ship between the levels of internet dependency and associated behavioral issues in preschoolers. The situation is serious, and it will soon develop to an addicted state. Interventions such as setting limits and identifying early warning indications of underlying psychopathology are necessary.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Uzoma Vincent Patrick-Agulonye

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to determine the impact of community-based and driven approaches during the lockdowns and early periods of the pandemic. The study examines the impact and perceptions of the state-led intervention. This would help to discover a better approach for postpandemic interventions and policy responses.Design/methodology/approachThis article used the inductive method and gathered its data from surveys. In search of global opinions on COVID-19 responses received in communities, two countries in each continent with high COVID-19 infection per 100,000 during the peak period were chosen for study. In total, 13 community workers, leaders and members per continent were sampled. The simple percentile method was chosen for analysis. The simple interpretation was used to discuss the results.FindingsThe study showed that poor publicity of community-based interventions affected awareness and fame as most were mistaken for government interventions. The study found that most respondents preferred state interventions but preferred many communities or local assessments of projects and interventions while the projects were ongoing to adjust the project and intervention as they progressed. However, many preferred community-based and driven interventions.Research limitations/implicationsState secrecy and perceived opposition oppression limited data sourcing for this study in countries where state interventions are performed in secret and oppression of perceived opposition voices limited data collection in some countries. Thus, last-minute changes were made to gather data from countries on the same continent. An intercontinental study requires data from more countries, which would require more time and resources. This study was affected by access to locals in remote areas where raw data would have benefited the study.Practical implicationsThe absence of data from the two most populous countries due to government censorship limits access to over a third of the global population, as they make up 2.8 out of 7 billion.Social implicationsThe choice of two countries in each continent is representational enough, yet the absence of data from the two most populous countries creates a social identity gap.Originality/valueThe survey collected unique and genuine data and presents novel results. Thus, this study provides an important contribution to the literature on the subject. There is a need for maximum support for community-based interventions and projects as well as global data collection on community-based or driven interventions and projects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Ian Gough

More nation states are now committing to zero net carbon by 2050 at the latest, which is encouraging, but none have faced up to the transformation of economies, societies and lives that this will entail. This article considers two scenarios for a fair transition to net zero, concentrating only on climate change, and discusses the implications for contemporary ‘welfare states’. The first is the Green New Deal framework coupled with a ‘social guarantee’. I argue that expanded public provision of essential goods and services would be a necessary component of this strategy. The second scenario goes further to counteract runaway private consumption by building a sufficiency economy with ceilings to income, wealth and consumption. This would require a further extension of state capacities and welfare state interventions. The article provides a framework for comparing and developing these two very different approaches.


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 3234
Author(s):  
Alejandro Vega-Muñoz ◽  
Guido Salazar-Sepúlveda ◽  
Nicolás Contreras-Barraza

The following article aims to identify the characteristics of the epistemic community of Blue Economy researchers, through the description of its scientific production, its special organization and clustering. The information was examined using bibliometric techniques on 302 research works using the Web of Science databases (JCR) between 2013 and 2021. At the same time, VOSviewer software was used to represent the relationships metrically and visually between the data and metadata. A set of research works is reviewed which relates environmental conservation and its implication in the development of the territory, and the relationship between technology and the improvement of ocean management, to highlight those state interventions where benefits are generated for the population or where there is an important challenge for improvement.


Genealogy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Mike Slaven

The “everyday bordering” concept has provided key insights into the effects of diverse bordering practices upon social life, placing the bordering of the welfare state among wider state interventions in an autochthonous politics of belonging. Sociological contributions have also introduced new explanations as to why states pursue such measures, positing that neoliberal states seek legitimacy through increasing activities to (re)affirm borders within this politics of belonging, compensating for a failure to govern the economy in the interests of citizens. To what extent is this visible in the state-led emergence of (everyday) borders around welfare in the United Kingdom, often cited as a key national case? This article draws from 20 elite interviews to contribute to genealogical accounts of the emergence of everyday bordering through identifying the developing “problematizations” connected to this kind of bordering activity, as the British state began to distinctly involve welfare-state actors in bordering policies in the 1990s and early 2000s. This evidence underlines how these policies were tied to a “pull factor” problematization of control failure, where the state needed to reduce various “pull factors” purportedly attracting unwanted migrants in order to control immigration per se, with little evidence that legitimacy issues tied to perceived declining economic governability informed these developments in this period. These findings can inform future genealogical analyses that trace the emergence of everyday bordering.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Khadeeja Rasheedh ◽  
Ghulam Dastagir ◽  
Hanna Ambaras Khan ◽  
Mausooma FAROOQ ◽  
Naima Saeed

Domestic violence is a worldwide epidemic, and the UN lists it as the worst human rights violation before the Covid-19 outbreak. A large rise in domestic violence incidents occurred when governments adopted emergency lockdown measures due to a worldwide Covid-19 epidemic. The unprecedented rise in domestic violence cases under Covid-19 serves as a wake-up call for the states. This study aims to examine the reasons for the increase in domestic violence and the methods used by stakeholders to address the issue in South Asian and Far Eastern countries, specifically the Maldives, Pakistan, and Malaysia. This paper adopted the qualitative research method in collecting data. The statistics indicate an alarming surge in domestic violence cases during Covid-19, and clear links exist between Covid-19 and domestic violence, impacting the economic and social crisis. This study confirmes that the state interventions to deal with this social problem are inadequate. Domestic violence has been worsened by growing unemployment, financial stress, anxiety and lack of community services. Furthermore, states have significant difficulties in addressing such issues due to a lack of cooperation across government agencies and stakeholders. Finally, this research recommends policy initiatives and legislative reforms to decrease domestic violence during this crucial period.  


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