Verifying Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Methods to Support International Climate Agreements

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Janssens-Maenhout ◽  
A. M.R. Petrescu ◽  
M. Muntean ◽  
V. Blujdea
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950002 ◽  
Author(s):  
YUNGUANG CHEN ◽  
MARC A. C. HAFSTEAD

The United States is currently on pace to fall well short of its promises to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26–28%, relative to 2005, by 2025, under the UN Framework and Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Paris Agreement, even if President Trump did not eliminate most Obama-era climate regulations. However, there still exists interest in reducing emissions, especially from some members of Congress, and there are a number of federal policy options to reduce greenhouse gas emissions if Congress (or a new administration in 2021) so chooses. In this paper, we show that a federal economy-wide carbon tax on US carbon dioxide emissions could significantly contribute to the reductions necessary to fulfill the US international climate commitments. Using a detailed multi-sector computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, we predict the carbon price paths that would be necessary to meet the 28% emissions target and show the economic costs of such carbon-pricing policies. We then demonstrate how both the price paths and associated costs change if action is delayed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael B. Gerrard ◽  
Shelley Welton

AbstractThis commentary details the United States’ progress in advancing climate change law since President Barrack Obama’s re-election in 2012, in spite of congressional dysfunction and opposition. It describes how the Obama administration is building upon earlier regulatory efforts by using existing statutory authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from both new and existing power plants. It also explains the important role the judiciary has played in facilitating more robust executive actions, while at the same time courts have rejected citizen efforts to force judicial remedies for the problem of climate change. Finally, it suggests some reasons why climate change has gained more prominence in the Obama administration’s second term agenda and considers how domestic actions help the United States to reposition itself in international climate diplomacy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (14) ◽  
pp. 5532
Author(s):  
John E. Fernández ◽  
Marcela Angel

Recently, there has been increasing evidence of the emergence of systemic strains that threaten international cooperative efforts on global issues, especially climate change, biodiversity loss and security. Non-state actors have responded by declaring their commitment to work together alongside nations as climate agreements struggle to deliver the necessary global reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, conservation goals are not met, and security issues diversify. A principal constituent of the world’s non-state actors are cities. With many cities now home to more than 10 million individuals and several cities of more than 20 million, the urban world has come to dominate the global economy as well as the resource needs and environmental burdens imposed upon the planet by our species. Urban economies are responsible for more than half of global greenhouse gas emissions and substantially affect the world’s biodiversity by driving the extraction of resources and the degradation of global natural capital. Cities have become concentrators of diverse risk that complicate and broaden global security priorities. Cities are also crucibles of innovation in technology, business and governance and strong alliances between the world’s cities have formed to address the challenges of climate change, biodiversity and more. This paper asserts the unique potential for cities to assume a greater role in global priorities, including climate change, biodiversity loss and a realignment of security priorities. The transformative changes required in these three domains calls for a renewal of the city as a semi-autonomous neo-state, an ecological city-state.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Kreil ◽  
Michael Stauffacher

Demand for air travel must be reduced to align the aviation sector with international climate agreements. In line with this necessity, as well as motivated by the notion that academia has a responsibility to foster sustainable development, some academic institutions have begun reducing greenhouse gas emissions associated with their members’ air travel. Based on an online survey from early 2021, this article summarizes the practices of 35 academic institutions in Western Europe and the US that are committed to achieving such reductions. It aims to facilitate the exchange of knowledge between these institutions, thus creating a basis for informed development of future projects. A new classification of policy measures in this area is applied in this article, which reveals that policy activity focuses on low-coercive measures that encourage substituting air travel with virtual communication technology and ground-based transportation. The findings further indicate that the collection of data on air travel is an essential but challenging precursor to policy action. The discussion shows that these findings are consistent with country-specific analyses of academic institutions’ policy documents. The need for continued action to reduce emissions related to air travel, including ongoing investments in virtual communication, after the COVID-19 pandemic is emphasized. We also discuss potential acceptance of more coercive policy measures and suggest tackling the systemic effects of institutional internationalization strategies by including private travel needs engendered by international recruitment efforts in institutions’ calculations of travel emissions.


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