Cities Towards Global Climate Governance: How the Practices of City Diplomacy Foster Hybrid Multilateralism

One of the effects of globalization is the increasing number of transnational ties that central governments not only ceased to control but also ceased to participate in; therefore, in recent decades, cities have been increasingly motivated to respond to international issues and initiate various contacts with foreign economic, cultural, and political centres. This article examines practices of city diplomacy in light of the current climate crisis. Albeit cities could be in conflict with their central government, they are executing the global climate agenda. Nonetheless, how do we frame cities’ autonomous activities in the global governance agenda? The article seeks to determine whether the framework of hybrid multilateralism is the niche for cities to assume the role of the central government in defending common global values such as preservation of the environment when the state fails to do so. Based on a dataset consisting of various subnational initiatives responding to climate change, we suggest a remarkable growth in the pledges to the international climate agreements’ commitments involving many subnational actors. Through these pledges, cities enter the international negotiations with various partners under hybrid policy architecture. Cities hold an enormous potential to influence the global conversation on climate change agenda. Furthermore, we conclude that cities are taking on the states’ role in global issues when they identify the inadequacy of the central governments’ action. Their conflict position forces them to carry out autonomous activities and fosters the new phenomenon of hybrid multilateralism.

Inequity in International Climate Change Negotiations

The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.

Climate agenda on the eve of COP-26: experience of Latin America

The newest world history has been marked by economic crises, environmental disasters an increase in intrastate and interstate armed conflicts, as well as an escalating confrontation in the field of energy resources. Among these risks, environmental problems such as global warming, sea level rise, soil erosion and shortages of food and fossil fuels have become unprecedentedly visible. This article focuses on a new climate agenda in the light of COP-26, taking place in Glasgow, and the regional experience of Latin America in confronting climate threats and adapting to climate changes since the ratification of the 2015 Paris Agreement. The authors consider the main international climate instruments, as well as those achievements on the way to greening national economies, which were undertaken by the LAC states within the mechanisms of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since the ratification of the Paris Agreement, every Latin American state has made progress in implementing the environmental agenda and developing legislation aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to climate change. The conclusion highlights the need for broad state participation on the base of proven instruments for solving major environmental problems, further developing early warning systems and consistent implementation of the planned action plans to reduce the risk of disasters and their consequences. Primary importance is attached to interstate dialogue to tackle the environmental challenges, commitment to the responsible fulfillment of international climate agreements and further development of international framework in the field of environmental law. Joint initiatives among the states of the region are expected to have significant effect on reducing emissions of these gases. Moreover, the market-based instruments proposed by the Paris Agreement are known to be an important complement to the ongoing efforts to comply with the overall UNFCCC climate agenda.

Dynamic climate clubs: On the effectiveness of incentives in global climate agreements

A proposal to combat free riding in international climate agreements is the establishment of a climate club—a coalition of countries in a structure to encourage high levels of participation. Empirical models of climate clubs in the early stages relied on the analysis of single-period coalition formation. The earlier results suggested that there were limits to the potential strength of clubs and that it would be difficult to have deep abatement strategies in the club framework. The current study extends the single-period approach to many periods and develops an approach analyzing “supportable policies” to analyze multiperiod clubs. The major element of the present study is the interaction between club effectiveness and rapid technological change. Neither alone will produce incentive-compatible policies that can attain the ambitious objectives of international climate policy. The trade sanctions without rapid technological decarbonization will be too costly to produce deep abatement; similarly, rapid technological decarbonization by itself will not induce deep abatement because of country free riding. However, the two together can achieve international climate objectives.

Reducing air travel related greenhouse gas emissions in academia: An empirical policy overview

Demand for air travel must be reduced to align the aviation sector with international climate agreements. In line with this necessity, as well as motivated by the notion that academia has a responsibility to foster sustainable development, some academic institutions have begun reducing greenhouse gas emissions associated with their members’ air travel. Based on an online survey from early 2021, this article summarizes the practices of 35 academic institutions in Western Europe and the US that are committed to achieving such reductions. It aims to facilitate the exchange of knowledge between these institutions, thus creating a basis for informed development of future projects. A new classification of policy measures in this area is applied in this article, which reveals that policy activity focuses on low-coercive measures that encourage substituting air travel with virtual communication technology and ground-based transportation. The findings further indicate that the collection of data on air travel is an essential but challenging precursor to policy action. The discussion shows that these findings are consistent with country-specific analyses of academic institutions’ policy documents. The need for continued action to reduce emissions related to air travel, including ongoing investments in virtual communication, after the COVID-19 pandemic is emphasized. We also discuss potential acceptance of more coercive policy measures and suggest tackling the systemic effects of institutional internationalization strategies by including private travel needs engendered by international recruitment efforts in institutions’ calculations of travel emissions.

Fairness, equity, and justice in the Paris Agreement: Terms and operationalization of differentiation

The Paris Agreement (2015) and the Rulebook (2018) introduce the terms ‘fair’ and ‘climate justice’ for burden-sharing and differentiation. The article analyses to what extent these terms amend the existing term ‘equity’ and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR). The principle of CBDR is an open balancing concept with one clear requirement: Contracting parties contribute to climate protection to a different extent. The terms which appear to have normative weight (‘equity’ and ‘climate justice’), in international climate agreements, are limited to their procedural relevance. They aim at an equal participation in sub-institutions of the Paris Agreement or at making arguments for differentiation transparent. The term ‘fair’ focuses on the discourse on individual concepts of differentiation and on narrowing down common criteria in the long-run. Considering the operationalization of differentiation beyond the terms, it becomes clear that criteria are hardly specified, not weighted against each other and that self-differentiation dominates pre-defined criteria, in particular within the central rules on mitigation and financial transfers. However, the Paris Agreement still specifies criteria with different relevance: Capabilities are followed by vulnerability and the responsibility for emissions. After all, the prevailing procedural terms and rules of differentiation might give orientation, inspire subsequent decisions and the nationally determined contributions (NDCs). The more transparent the various specifications of differentiation are, the more the rules of differentiation can be narrowed. If the reference of criteria to individual states is possible, the Paris Agreement might be implemented effectively which allows for better compliance with the Agreement.

Da li je pravo vreme za izgradnju velike solarne elektrane u Srbiji?

According to almost all estimates, significant investments in new renewable energy sources in Serbia are needed. Serbia has economically viable potentials of renewable energy sources (RES) (solar energy, wind energy, hydropower, biomass energy, geothermal energy, etc.), so the structure of the production mix in the electricity system should increasingly be based on renewable sources. In this paper, an attempt is made to answer the following questions: does Serbia need new production capacities, does Serbia need new production capacities from RES, and finally, which of the RES would be the most suitable at the moment? The paper assesses whether this is exactly the right moment to accelerate the process of energy transition in Serbia, as well as the opportunity to ensure a more sustainable growth and development through a faster transition to RES. It starts from the fact that increasing the production of electricity from RES, together with measures to increase energy efficiency and decarbonize energy production and consumption, is the backbone of the energy transition and at the same time the essence of Serbia's commitments by joining the Energy Community and accepting international climate agreements. The paper assumes that by increasing the efficiency of the energy sector and use of RES, European policy goals can be achieved in Serbia and that energy sector can be positioned as an engine of stability and sustainable economic development. Secondary effects will lead to increased sustainable employment, reduced public debt and increased competitiveness of the sector. Therefore, the energy transition should be seen as a development opportunity. The construction of large RES plants, especially large solar power plants in Serbia and joining the EU Green Deal, is certainly a signal that Serbia is well on its way to developing a modern, environmentally friendly, competitive and regionally integrated energy system. This will trigger the necessary investments in the modernization of the energy sector and enable the attraction of foreign direct investments. Achieving this vision requires decisive political action at the national and regional levels. Solar projects have the lowest levelized costs of produced kWh of electricity, they are the fastest to implement and they have the least environmental and social impact. Also, large installed capacity can be achieved through a series of large and medium-sized projects that would be territorially distributed in order to reduce the simultaneity of production.

Drivers of Carbon Price Adoption in Wealthy Democracies: International or Domestic Forces?

Is carbon price adoption in wealthy democracies driven more by international or domestic forces? Event history analyses reveal that carbon price adoption is more likely in countries with less fossil fuel energy use (and, by proxy, less powerful fossil fuel business-elite actors) and with less encumbered democratic institutions (i.e., fewer institutional veto points). These findings are triangulated through cross-sectional comparisons and case studies. In short, wealthy democracies enact carbon prices according to the degree to which domestic actors or costs constrain or enable enactment and implementation. The author argues that the global free-rider problem, posed by nonbinding international climate agreements and lack of enforcement, and fossil fuel business-elite power undermine the force of international values and norms. World society scholarship should attend more to (1) whether international participation incurs substantial local costs or powerful stakeholder opposition and (2) whether the benefits of such participation are more domestically or globally distributed.

How can New Zealand schools respond to climate change?

International climate agreements say education can play a key role in responding to the global challenge of climate change. My team and I are currently carrying out research to help build a national picture of educational responses to climate change. Our research suggests that New Zealand’s educational policies and strategies currently provide a diffuse framework for responding to climate change, and there is a lack of coherent messaging “from the top” about what could or should be expected of schools. Yet some innovative practices and approaches are visible across the school network. This article describes what we currently know about climate and sustainability thinking and practice across English-medium schools, and what further actions and supports may be needed across the system.

Determination of the Emission Rates of CO₂ Point Sources with Airborne Lidar

Anthropogenic point sources, such as coal-fired power plants, produce a major share of global CO2 emissions. International climate agreements demand their independent monitoring. Due to the high amount of point sources and their global spatial distribution, a mobile measurement approach with fast spatial coverage is needed. Active remote sensing measurements by airborne lidar show much promise in this respect. The integrated-path differential-absorption lidar CHARM–F is installed onboard an aircraft, in order to detect weighted vertical columns of CO2 mixing ratios, below the aircraft along its flight track. During the Carbon Dioxide and Methane mission (CoMet) in spring 2018, airborne greenhouse gas measurements were performed, focusing on the major European sources of anthropogenic CO2 emissions, i.e. large coal–fired power plants. The flights were designed to transect isolated exhaust plumes. From the resulting enhancement in the CO2 mixings ratios, emission rates can be derived in terms of the cross–sectional flux method. On average, we find our results roughly corresponding to reported annual emission rates, but observe significant variations between individual overflights ranging up to a factor of 2. We suppose that these variations are mostly driven by turbulence. This hypothesis is supported by a high–resolution large eddy simulation that enables us to give a qualitative assessment of the influence of plume inhomogeneity on the cross–sectional flux method. Our findings suggest avoiding periods of strong turbulence, e.g. midday and afternoon. More favorable measurement conditions prevail during nighttime and morning. Since lidars are intrinsically independent of sunlight, they have a significant advantage in this regard.