The History of Modern Science. A Guide to the Second Scientific Revolution, 1800-1950. Stephen George Brush

1989 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-332
Author(s):  
Jed Z. Buchwald
2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 433-444
Author(s):  
Ahmed Ragab

Abstract The history of pre- and early-modern science, medicine, and technology in the Islamicate world has been traditionally charted around certain signposts: Translation, Golden Age, and Decline. These signposts tethered the history of Islamic sciences to a European story that culminates in the Scientific Revolution and that links European colonial expansion (causally and chronologically) to modernity. This article looks at the roots of the classical narrative of the history of Islamic sciences and explores its connections to the production of colonial sciences and the proliferation of colonial education. Moving beyond the validity or accuracy of the Golden-Age/Decline narrative, it asks about the archives that such a narrative constructs and the viability of categories and chronologies, such as the “early modern,” in thinking about histories of the Global South, in general, and of the Islamicate “world” in particular.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 445-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kapil Raj

Abstract Amongst the many narrative strategies in the recent “global turn” in the history of science, one commonly finds attempts to complement the single European story by multiplying histories of knowledge-making in as many different regional and cultural contexts as possible. Other strategies include attempts to generalize the “Needham Question” of why the Scientific Revolution occurred only in early-modern Europe to the exclusion of other parts of the world, or to challenge the diffusionist vision of the spread of modern science from Europe by attempting to show that non-European scientific traditions already had an understanding of recent European discoveries. These latter strategies seek simply to pluralize the Scientific Revolution without actually unpacking the latter concept itself. This article seeks firstly to show that the “Scientific Revolution” was in fact a Cold War invention intended to bring the freshly decolonized world into the ambit of the West by limiting the conception of modern science to Europe-specific activities thus delegitimizing other knowledge domains and using the term as a spatially circumscribed chronological marker. Using a broader understanding of scientific activity in the early modern period, and mobilizing relational methodologies, such as circulatory and connected historiographies, the paper then re-examines the well-known history of the Hortus Malabaricus, one of the most celebrated seventeenth-century botanical works, to show the short- and long-range knowledge circulations, intercultural interactions and connections involved in its making to bring out the global nature of scientific activity of the period and illustrate relational approaches to global history.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pimentel ◽  
José Pardo-Tomás

In this article, we try to explain the origin of a disagreement; the sort that often arises when the subject is the history of early modern Spanish science. In the decades between 1970 and 1990, while some historians were trying to include Spain in the grand narrative of the rise of modern science, the very historical category of the Scientific Revolution was beginning to be dismantled. It could be said that Spaniards were boarding the flagship of modern science right before it sank. To understand this décalage it would be helpful to recall the role of the history of science during the years after the Franco dictatorship and Spain’s transition to democracy. It was a discipline useful for putting behind us the Black Legend and Spanish exceptionalism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 767
Author(s):  
Vladimir V. Mihajlović

From the second half of the 16th century to the beginning of the 18th century, the foundations of modern science were laid through the wide-ranging changes in comprehension of both nature and European societies, today labeled as “scientific revolution”. By the end of this period in the history of European science, the interpretation of universe did not necessarily include the divine intervention and, along with the objectification of nature, the past was objectified as well.The approaches articulated during the scientific revolution were applied to the investigation into the human past in the works of the antiquarians. The new ways of observation, description, and collection of antiquities were generated as a part of the wider interests in natural history. On the other hand, it may be argued that the antiquarians’ practice joined together the approaches we would today judge as opposed: the ones derived from social theory , as well as the ones based upon natural sciences. In their studies of the past, the antiquarians equally used written sources as well as “naturalistic” methods, such as careful observation, establishment of classifications, or experimental design.Taking into account the significant contribution of antiquarians to the establishment of disciplinary foundations of archaeology, the paper aims to point to some new possibilities of approaching the study of the past, primarily beyond the established dichotomy of artifacts/ecofacts, and to offer the ways of bridging the present divisions inside the discipline.


It is a great honour to be invited to propose the toast of this famous Society; doubly so when, as in my case, one is not a scientist but has been trained in the humanities. Historians, of course, have always found the origins of the Royal Society exceptionally interesting, one of those felicitous cases of a combination of Oxford and London which seems in this case to have prospered from the beginning. I say this not simply because it makes you the oldest scientific society still in existence but because the moment at which the Royal Society was born was indeed the happiest it could possibly have been. If the Society had been formed 100 years before then, Mr President, you would have had the pleasure of presiding at the 413th anniversary of the Society. Nonetheless, I think it would have been a loss; 1660 was exactly the right moment, because it meant that the Society was born just when the wave was rising of the scientific revolution which gave birth to modern science. So the Society was able, within eleven years after it had been founded, to elect Isaac Newton to the Fellowship at the age of 28, and later to have him as its President for twenty-four years. It is, in fact, a society, not only 300 years old but, more to the point, coterminous with the history of modern science. Instead of having to break away from an earlier history, which would have been the case if it had been founded 100 or 200 years earlier, right from the beginning the objectives of the Society, the advancement of knowledge by observation and experiment, were easily recognizable by any scientist since as acceptable to him.


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