Human Rights and Public Goods: Education as a Fundamental Right in India

Author(s):  
Philip Alston ◽  
Nehal Bhuta
Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nico Krisch

The consensual structure of the international legal order, with its strong emphasis on the sovereign equality of states, has always been somewhat precarious. In different waves over the centuries, it has been attacked for its incongruence with the realities of inequality in international politics, for its tension with ideals of democracy and human rights, and for standing in the way of more effective problem solving in the international community. While surprisingly resilient in the face of such challenges, the consensual structure has seen renewed attacks in recent years. In the 1990s, those attacks were mainly “moral” in character. They were related to the liberal turn in international law, and some of them, under the banner of human rights, aimed at weakening principles of nonintervention and immunity. Others, starting from the idea of an emerging “international community,” questioned the prevailing contractual models of international law and emphasized the rise of norms and processes reflecting community values rather than individual state interests. Since the beginning of the new millennium, the focus has shifted, and attacks are more often framed in terms of effectiveness or global public goods. Classical international law is regarded as increasingly incapable of providing much-needed solutions for the challenges of a globalized world; as countries become ever more interdependent and vulnerable to global challenges, an order that safeguards states’ freedoms at the cost of common policies is often seen as anachronistic. According to this view, what is needed—and what we are likely to see—is a turn to nonconsensual lawmaking mechanisms, especially through powerful international institutions with majoritarian voting rules.


2021 ◽  
pp. 119-142
Author(s):  
Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann

Legal history confirms that general interests of citizens can be protected most effectively through ‘democratic’ and ‘republican constitutionalism’ protecting constitutional rights and remedies of citizens and of their democratic and judicial institutions to hold governments accountable for providing public goods (PGs). Yet, the United Nations (UN), World Trade Organization (WTO), and related multilevel governance institutions do not effectively protect general interests and corresponding rights of citizens. The inadequate legal, democratic, and judicial accountability of intergovernmental power politics entails that – outside Europe’s multilevel ‘common market constitutionalism’ and ‘human rights constitutionalism’ – many governance institutions fail to protect transnational PGs effectively. This contribution explains why – even if ‘global democracy’ remains a utopia – today’s universal recognition of ‘inalienable’ human rights and of related constitutional principles requires re-interpreting the power-oriented ‘international law of states’ as multilevel governance of transnational PGs for the benefit of citizens and their constitutional rights.


Author(s):  
Daniel J. Hemel

This chapter suggests a human rights–based justification for national basic income schemes, contrasting it with justifications based on welfarist principles or notions of entitlement to a share of the global commons. Starting from the premise that a state is a collective enterprise that generates a surplus, it contends that any human being who is an “obedient” member of that state has a right to some share of the surplus. That right—which arises from the relationship between the individual and the state, and is independent of need—could justify the entitlement to a basic income. Such income should be provided in cash, not in kind, because the latter risks depriving the individual of the enjoyment of his share of the surplus—in effect, forcing him to forfeit or transfer it to others if he does not use the public goods or services provided by the state.


Author(s):  
Stephen Emerson ◽  
Hussein Solomon

States are the only contemporary political organizations that enjoy a unique legal status under international law—sovereignty—and are deemed to possess an exclusive monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their borders. A central feature of the state is to provide for the delivery of public goods (such as security) to its citizenry, and states fail to function as states when they can no longer do this. While the concept of “state failure” or “failing states” is much debated, the consequences of such failure are all too real, especially in Africa. Endemic violence, ethnic and religious tensions, rampant human rights abuses, rising terrorism and crime, along with a lack of legitimacy and political inclusion, as well as an inability to exercise effective control over territory are hallmarks of failing states.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Pavel Šturma

The implicit inclusion of human rights and other public goods in international investment law by way of interpretation is always contingent on various factual and legal elements. Consequently, it cannot ensure that all investment arbitration tribunals will arrive to the same or at least similar conclusions when it comes to the inclusion of human rights. That is why the trend to include explicit provisions or references into the newly negotiated IIAs seems to be advisable. The article aims at presenting some new trends in both treaties (BITs and other IIAs) and awards of investment tribunals.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document