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2022 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-60
Author(s):  
Max Ward

Abstract This article explores the changing ways the Japanese police understood and policed radical politics between 1900 and 1945. Specifically, it traces the process in which the objective of policing transformed from an emphasis on political organizations, their activities, publications, and assemblies in the 1900s to the policing of individuals ostensibly harboring “dangerous ideas” that were deemed threatening to state and capital—what the police came to categorize as “thought crime” by the late 1920s. Once “thought” was identified as an object for policing, Japanese police agencies began to practice a kind of intellectual history—thinking like a state—to distinguish dangerous thought and to understand its origin and its spread during the socioeconomic turbulence of the interwar period. Drawing on Jacques Rancière’s theory of police, this article explores how police manuals and other publications categorized certain ideas, texts, enunciations, and slogans and distributed them based on the presumed degree of danger they posed to the imperial polity. It reveals how the expanded classifications and distributions of dangerous thought transformed policing in the 1920s, thereby extending imperial state power into various aspects of social life in interwar Japan.


Author(s):  
إلياس أبو بكر الباروني

The researcher seeks to evaluate and understand digital media in raising awareness of community issues among the public. The research aims to identify theoretical approaches to the impact of digital media on public awareness, and to clarify models of the impact of digital media on public awareness. The research used the descriptive and analytical approach, which attempts to analyze and describe the impact of digital media on social awareness among the public, as the research reached the most important results that the reality imposed itself in the form of digital media through its various means played an important and effective role in the movements and revolutions that the countries witnessed in the movements and revolutions of the democratic spring. Some people described it as "Vmsbouquet revolutions" in relation to the important role that Facebook played in communication between the demonstrators, which prompted some to say that virtual or digital media has replaced political organizations in playing their role aimed at political upbringing in what some have called "" Bringing up the internet.


2022 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-43
Author(s):  
Frederic Guerrero-Solé

The news media have a strong influence on people’s perception of reality. But despite claims to objectivity, media organizations are, in general, politically biased (Patterson & Donsbach, 1996; Gaebler, 2017). The link between news media outlets and political organizations has been a critical question in political science and communication studies. To assess the closeness between the news media and particular political organizations, scholars have used different methods such as content analysis, undertaking surveys or adopting a political economy view. With the advent of social networks, new sources of data are now available to measure the relationship between media organizations and parties. Assuming that users coherently retweet political and news information (Wong, Tan, Sen & Chiang, 2016), and drawing on the retweet overlap network (RON) method (Guerrero-Solé, 2017), this research uses people’s perceived ideology of Spanish political parties (CIS, 2020) to propose a measure of the ideology of news media in Spain. Results show that scores align with the result of previous research on the ideology of the news media (Ceia, 2020). We also find that media outlets are, in general, politically polarized with two groups or clusters of news media being close to the left-wing parties UP and PSOE, and the other to the right-wing and far-right parties Cs, PP, and Vox. This research also underlines the media’s ideological stability over time.


2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
د. فتح الرحمن الطاهر عبدالرحمن حمد

This study deals with the historical roots of the formation of Sudanese political parties. The study aimed to analyz and study the historical development of the action of Sudanese national movement, which secreted political currents that began with political organizations and associations that progressed into political parties that lead the national action and realized self-determination and independence. The researcher adopted the historical, descriptive, and analytical methods for gathering data from sources and references for analysis to reach the results (findings) and recommendations guarantee the study’s ending. The study concluded that although the formation of Sudanese political parties was spontaneous, their existence was inevitable to decide the imperialistic vision, which considers that the country does not yet reach the stage that qualifies it to guide itself. The study recommended that Sudanese political parties have to fulfill what they have promised to do to the peoples of the country according to their platform after the attainment of their end of obtaining independence and do not occupy themselves with gaining the voters' votes and neglect the central issue of tasks achievement and the more significant national goals which are represented by a constant constitution for the country and economic growth, and strengthen the ties of national unity.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Emilia Alaverdov ◽  
Aytekin Demircioğlu

The chapter deals with the chaotic situation of 1990 when the struggle for independence was intermingled with the religious revival in the acute form of radical Islamism and the process was gradually shifting to the revival and activities of political organizations. At the same time, religion was intertwined with politics and criminal activity. In investigating the conflicts in which Islamic radicals were involved, it was very difficult to distinguish the ideology of religious fundamentalism from criminal activities related to drug and arms business, people trafficking, and kidnapping. Crime, in its turn, was directly in the political and power groups that were closely linked to radicals. Thus, the North Caucasus republic, called Chechnya by Russians, appeared directly in the center of Russia's recent history, threatening its state and social security.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 32-40
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  

The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-36
Author(s):  
Srđan Milošević

Тhe paper discusses the attitudes of political parties on land property regimes in the context of the agrarian issue, and dynamics of the debate on this matter in the Constitutional Committee and in the Constituent National Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The very notion of “agrarian question” concerns specifically small peasant landholdings in the process of development of capitalism. This question was raised in the context of the debate on socio-economic problems that were invited by, and eventually, introduced into the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Vidovdan Constitution, 1921) under the pressure of progressive opposition parties and parts of the ruling political organizations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Ayu Nenden Assyfa Putri

Social media, especially Twitter, as one of the most widely used platforms on the internet, is now being used by political organizations to convey their political communication messages. This study uses a descriptive qualitative method by analyzing the communication style conveyed by the Gerindra party Twitter account to its followers. In looking for references, researchers use a systematic review method wherein the authors must describe the search to be used, determine where and when they should search, and what terms they should use. The results of this study indicate that the style of political communication conveyed by the Gerindra Twitter account has the aim of being accepted by Twitter users, whose users are young people. Unlike the political communication messages conveyed during the 2014 & 2019 elections, the Gerindra Twitter account conveys its political communication style in a relaxed and informative way. The relevance of the information diffusion theory in this study is when the Gerindra party takes advantage of the great opportunity of Twitter as a social media to communicate its political campaigns so that new voters can accept it in the future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147488512110651
Author(s):  
Alexander Sager

Ayelet Shachar's The Shifting Border deploys a powerful map metaphor to support rethinking of borders and their functions. I interrogate this metaphor, developing some of the representational, constructive, and normative functions of maps, along with their connections to legal mechanisms for decoupling migration from territory. I survey three responses to the extra-territorialization of migration: a cynical response that rejects the possibility of migration justice, an abolitionist response connected to open borders, and a revisionist response that advocates for widescale institutional reform. The revisionist response illuminates how Shachar's essay challenges us to reflect on what sorts of maps and accompanying social and political organizations would best support migrant justice.


Author(s):  
Constantin Manolache ◽  
Ion Xenofontov

Based on unpublished materials from three archives (Central Scientific Archive of the Academy of Sciences, Archive of socio-political organizations from Moldova, the Moldovan National Archives) and the literature in domain, the historical, sociopolitical, as well as other aspects are analyzed, concerning Moldavian SSR academic science institutionalization in the 1946–1961 years.


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