Situating Mental Disorders in Cultural Frames

Author(s):  
G.E. Jarvis ◽  
Laurence J. Kirmayer

Culture and society shape the symptoms, course, and outcome of mental disorders. Cultural frames—including conceptual models, values, norms, attitudes, and practices—influence the experience and expression of psychological distress. These frames reflect community history, ethnicity, religion, gender, politics, and the identity of individuals in specific social contexts. While some aspects of cultural frames are conveyed through explicit norms, values, ideologies, and practices, much remains implicit in a way of life and social environment that shape beliefs and practices through cultural affordances. Over time, cultural frames evolve, such that the expression of psychological disorders changes as new narratives and categories gain credibility and dominance. Understanding the dynamic impact of these frames on behavior and experience in illness and health requires a systemic or ecosocial approach. Category fallacies may occur when the observer interprets symptoms exclusively through categories derived from one cultural frame that preclude discovering local ways of characterizing distress. By failing to consider local meanings and modes of expression, category fallacies can result in diagnostic error. Looping effects result from the tendency for social categories to reshape human experience and behavior, as well as social institutions and practices, so that they conform to the category. In this way, cultural categories and constructs become self-vindicating social realities and contribute to the creation and maintenance of cultural frames. Cultural frames may be understood at multiple levels: (a) individual cognitive models or schemas that shape illness experience, (b) professional models and modes of practices that shape clinical interactions, and (c) broader societal paradigms, derived from cultural-historical institutions, that influence general attitudes to illness and suffering. Cultural frames invoke particular ontologies to explain illness, ascribing causal efficacy or agency to material (biological or social), psychological, or spiritual entities or forces . Cultural frames may focus on historical, political, or economic structures to explain the causes and forms of mental disorders (e.g., colonial ideologies). Cultural framings of concepts of mental disorder are readily identified in historical and contemporary settings. At the individual level, Joseph Smith, the American Prophet (1805–1844), exemplifies how intense religious experiences could be interpreted as revelation or as psychotic symptoms, depending on the cultural frame. At the professional level, the rise and fall of American psychoanalysis from 1909 to 2000 represents a paradigm, or cultural frame, shift such that the way that mental health professionals understand distress has changed from a focus on the inner theatre of the mind, accessed through intimate personal inquiry and talking therapy, to a focus on disordered machinery of the brain, in which the pathology requires treatment with medication. At the societal level, research on rates of psychosis among Black people in the United States and United Kingdom has been approached differently owing to differences in history, demography, and cultural frames, with U.K. studies emphasizing elevated rates among Black immigrants and U.S. studies focusing on diagnostic bias. These three levels influence each other through looping effects that give rise to new, hybrid forms of disorder that challenge standard psychological theories.

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (5) ◽  
pp. 603-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen A. Hegtvedt ◽  
Christie L. Parris ◽  
Cathryn Johnson

Scholars have long investigated factors contributing to enactment of environmentally responsible behaviors (ERBs), largely among white populations. Although research has debunked the myth that black people express less environmental concern, few studies examine what influences their pro-environmental behavior. We focus on how the cognitively oriented cultural frames of environmentalism and environmental justice combine with overlooked emotions to shape ERBs reported by a nationally representative sample of 988 black residents in the United States. Results indicate that the environmentalism frame, indicated by environmental identity but not attitudes, enhances all the behaviors examined: general conservation, cost-saving conservation, recycling, and advocacy. Effects of environmental justice, however, are more limited. Passion for environmental protection likewise positively affects all pro-environmental actions, and moral outrage over the condition of the environment exerts strong positive effects on conservation and advocacy. In highlighting the role of emotions in conjunction with cultural frames on ERBs, new avenues for research emerge.


2021 ◽  
pp. 451
Author(s):  
Robin Walker Sterling

This Article is the first to describe how systemic racism persists in a society that openly denounces racism and racist behaviors, using affirmative action and disproportionate minority contact as contrasting examples. Affirmative action and disproportionate minority contact are two sides of the same coin. Far from being distinct, these two social institutions function as two sides of the same ideology, sharing a common historical nucleus rooted in the mythologies that sustained chattel slavery in the United States. The effects of these narratives continue to operate in race-related jurisprudence and in the criminal legal system, sending normative messages about race and potential using the same jurisprudential trick: denial of our country’s race-bound legacy. By juxtaposing the rhetoric and jurisprudence concerning the underrepresentation of white people in the criminal legal system with the rhetoric and jurisprudence concerning the underrepresentation of Black people in higher education, this Article illuminates a key feature of how systemic racism persists. Obscuring the history of how both affirmative action and disproportionate minority contact came to be, the racially contorted narratives that we have adopted about affirmative action in both guises described here—affirmative action that benefits people of color by accepting them into institutions of higher learning and that which benefits white people by diverting them from the criminal legal system—allow systems to thrive under a guise of presumed racial innocence. Unmoored from the force of history, we rudderlessly reinforce well-worn social norms, no matter how discriminatory they might be.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Daley ◽  
Antoine Douaihy

Substance-induced disorders include intoxication, withdrawal, and other substance- or medication-induced mental disorders such as depression, anxiety, or psychotic symptoms that are associated with use of specific types of substances. When the substances are stopped, the symptoms get better or go away altogether. SUDs include disorders related to use of alcohol, caffeine, cannabis, hallucinogens, inhalants, opioids, sedatives, hypnotics or anxiolytics, stimulants, tobacco, and other (or unknown) substances. Eleven criteria are listed for diagnosis of an SUD. Statistics on SUDs in the United States are given. Advice is offered for family members and significant others who have a loved one with an SUD.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

Many in the United States and Israel believe that Hamas is nothing but a terrorist organization, and that its social sector serves merely to recruit new supporters for its violent agenda. Based on extensive fieldwork in the Gaza Strip and West Bank during the critical period of the Oslo peace process, this book shows how the social service activities sponsored by the Islamist group emphasized not political violence but rather community development and civic restoration. The book demonstrates how Islamic social institutions in Gaza and the West Bank advocated a moderate approach to change that valued order and stability, not disorder and instability; were less dogmatically Islamic than is often assumed; and served people who had a range of political outlooks and no history of acting collectively in support of radical Islam. These institutions attempted to create civic communities, not religious congregations. They reflected a deep commitment to stimulate a social, cultural, and moral renewal of the Muslim community, one couched not only—or even primarily—in religious terms. Vividly illustrating Hamas's unrecognized potential for moderation, accommodation, and change, the book also traces critical developments in Hamas' social and political sectors through the Second Intifada to today, and offers an assessment of the current, more adverse situation in the occupied territories. The Oslo period held great promise that has since been squandered. This book argues for more enlightened policies by the United States and Israel, ones that reflect Hamas' proven record of nonviolent community building. A new afterword discusses how Hamas has been affected by changing regional dynamics and by recent economic and political events in Gaza, including failed attempts at reconciliation with Fatah.


Climate change is a profoundly social and political challenge with many social justice concerns around every corner. A global issue, climate change threatens the well-being, livelihood, and survival of people in communities worldwide. Often, those who have contributed least to climate change are the most likely to suffer from its negative consequences and are often excluded from the policy discussions and decisions that affect their lives. This book pays particular attention to the social dimensions of climate change. It examines closely people’s lived experience, climate-related injustice and inequity, why some groups are more vulnerable than others, and what can be done about it—especially through greater community inclusion in policy change. A highlight of the book is its diversity of rich, community-based examples from throughout the Global South and North. Sacrificial flood zones in urban Argentina, forced relocation of United Houma tribal members in the United States, and gendered water insecurities in Bangladesh and Australia are just some of the in-depth cases included in the book. Throughout, the book asks social and political questions about climate change. Of key importance, it asks what can be done about the unequal consequences of climate change by questioning and transforming social institutions and arrangements—guided by values that prioritize the experience of affected groups and the inclusion of diverse voices and communities in the policy process.


1986 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 108-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy C. Andreasen ◽  
William M. Grove

SummaryMost investigators concur that schizophrenia is probably a heterogeneous group of disorders that share the common features of psychotic symptoms, partial response to neuroleptics, and a relatively poor outcome. The subdivision of schizophrenia into two subtypes, positive versus negative, has achieved wide acceptance throughout the world during recent years. This distinction has heuristic and theoretical appeal because it unites phenomenology, pathophysiology, and etiology into a single comprehensive hypothesis.In spite of its wide appeal, the distinction has a number of problems. These include the failure to distinguish between symptom syndromes and diseases; failure to deal with the mixed patient; failure to take longitudinal course into account; and failure to address conceptually and methodologically the distinction between positive and negative symptoms.This paper focuses primarily on the conceptual basis for two instruments designed to measure positive and negative symptoms, the Scale for the Assessment of Negative Symptoms (SANS) and the Scale for the Assessment of Positive Symptoms (SAPS), originally described in 1982. Since their description, these scales have been used in a variety of other centers. These scales are based on the hypothesis that negative symptoms represent a deficit or diminution in normal psychological functions wliile positive symptoms represent an excess or distortion of normal functions. Reliability data are now available from Italy, Spain, and Japan which suggest that these scales can be used reliably in cultural settings outside the United States. The results of these studies are summarized in this paper. In addition, a replication study involving a new sample of 117 schizophrenics collected at the University of Iowa is described. In this second study of the SANS and SAPS, internal consistency is found to be quite high in the SANS. Thus negative symptoms appear to be more internally correlated with one another than are positive symptoms. The implications of this result are discussed. A principal components analysis is used to explore the relationship between positive and negative symptoms. While the study reported in 1982 suggested that positive and negative symptoms are negatively correlated, in the present study they appear to be uncorrelated. Overall, the results suggest that the SANS and SAPS are useful comprehensive instruments for the evaluation of positive and negative symptoms. The relationship between these symptoms and external validators such as cognitive functioning or CT scan abnormalities will be reported in a subsequent investigation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document