English Overseas Empire

The English (after the Union of England, Scotland, and Wales in 1707, the British) Overseas Empire famously encompassed the globe. The range of scholarship related to this phenomenon stretches accordingly. This article focuses on contributions that consider the period prior to c. 1700 but provides links to other Oxford Bibliographies articles that include entries on non-English perspectives on the expansion of English overseas interests more fully, entries on the cultural interactions generated by that expansion, entries that relate to the later period, and entries that provide additional references to the topics discussed here. The emergence of an English Overseas Empire might be regarded as one of the most significant yet one of the more unlikely consequences of the Reformation and the Renaissance. In the 15th century, England suffered civil war and had its overseas territory reduced to Calais and the Pale of Dublin while its foreign mercantile sphere concentrated on the Baltic region, Antwerp, and Seville. The English break with Rome severed longstanding Anglo-Iberian economic ties and provided the religious-ideological frame for trading, plundering, and colonizing forays against the “popish” Iberians the success of whose initiatives had left the English scandalously behind in the minds of early imperial cheerleaders. By the 1640s, English “private” initiatives had established presences in Africa, America, and Asia, although the scale of these operations eventually proved beyond the capacity of these projectors, thus necessitating governmental intervention. After 1689, France replaced Spain as the imperial bogey, but an anti-Catholic imperial ideology, which employed a language of liberty and virtue derived from humanism, intensified as English political and economic ambitions expanded and direct government involvement in empire increased. Both this expansion and the cultural interactions it generated tracked changing English cultural and political sensibilities: contemporary authors and artists acclaimed English overseas endeavor as a hallmark of civilization, modernity, capitalism, and progress; the stridency of this celebratory view accompanied a seemingly inexorable coloring of the globe pink prior to World War II. English overseas expansion also entailed deep involvement in the enslavement of Africans—in terms of both exporting enslaved persons from sub-Saharan Africa throughout the Western Hemisphere and importing these people to labor on English plantations—a reality that has begun to receive significant attention only recently. It also involved the often-nasty subjugation of societies in situ, another reality that has also received a recent intensive rethink in the postcolonial era that began in the 1960s.

2003 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-169
Author(s):  
Samina Nazli

Raising the standards of literacy in the developing world has been a major goal of the less developed countries since most of them became independent in the process of decolonisation that followed World War II. The Human Development Report 2004, brought out by the United Nations Development Programme lists some major improvements in increasing literacy levels of a number of countries between the year 1990 and 2002. For example, low human development countries like Togo increased their adult literacy rates from 44.2 percent in 1990 to 59.6 percent in 2002. Congo saw an increase in its literacy rate for the same period from 67.1 percent to 82.8 percent. The rates for Uganda, Kenya, Yemen, and Nigeria are 56.1 percent and 68.9 percent, 70.8 percent and 84.3 percent, 32.7 percent and 49.0 percent, and 48.7 percent and 68.8 percent respectively. If one examines the breakdown by region, the least developed countries as a group saw an increase in their adult literacy rates from 43.0 percent to 52.5 percent, the Arab states from 50.8 percent to 63.3 percent, South Asia from 47.0 percent to 57.6 percent, Sub-Saharan Africa from 50.8 percent to 63.2 percent and East Asia and the Pacific from 79.8 percent to 90.3 percent. If we look at the increase in the levels of literacy from the perspective of medium human development and low human development, the figures are 71.8 percent and 80.4 percent, and 42.5 percent and 54.3 percent, respectively.


2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassis Kilian

The history of African film began in the 1960s with the independence of the colonies. Despite all kinds of political and economic difficulties, numerous films have been made since then, featuring wide-ranging processes of consolidation, differentiation and transformation which were characteristic of post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa. However, these feature films should not merely be viewed as back references to specifically African problems. The glimmering fictions are imagination spaces. They preserve ideas about how the post-colonial circumstances should be approached. Seen from this perspective, the history of African film may be studied as a history of African utopias.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 501-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stein T. Holden

Fertilizer and other input subsidies have been prominent components of agricultural policies in many Asian and African countries since the 1960s. Their economic and political rationale is scrutinized with emphasis on the second generation of targeted input subsidy programs that were scaled up in Sub-Saharan Africa after 2005. The extent to which they fulfill the goal of being market smart is assessed after inspecting the potential for such subsidies in Sub-Saharan Africa. The new fertilizer subsidy programs do not live up to the market-smart principles and suffer from severe design and implementation failures. While a clear exit strategy was one of the key principles, this has been neglected, with the result that most current programs are more sticky than smart. They have only partially achieved the intended impacts and have resulted in a number of unintended negative impacts. Subsidy program redesign should start from a pilot stage testing basic mechanisms.


2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
KW Easter ◽  
S Zekri

This paper examines the reform of water and irrigation management in Africa and compares it with similar reforms in Asia.  Several things are evident from the review.  First, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is at an earlier stage of irrigation development and reform than Asia.  Second, the articulated need for reform is much stronger in Asia than it is in SSA.  Third, the productivity of small-scale irrigated farms is significantly lower in SSA compared to Asia.  Thus any irrigation investment strategy in SSA should be different from Asia and focus on increasing small-farm productivity as well as small-scale irrigation projects.  Finally, all direct government irrigation investments should be done jointly with decisions regarding the type of project management.


Author(s):  
Daniel G. Zirker

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.


2009 ◽  
Vol 199 ◽  
pp. 686-706 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah A. Bräutigam ◽  
Tang Xiaoyang

AbstractAgriculture is a rapidly growing arena for China's economic engagement in Africa. Drawing on new field research in East and West Africa, and in Beijing and Baoding, China, as well as earlier archival research, this article investigates the dimensions of China's agricultural engagement, placing it in historical perspective. It traces the changes and continuities in China's policies in rural Africa since the 1960s, as Chinese policies moved from fraternal socialism to amicable capitalism. Beginning in the 1980s, the emphasis on aid as mutual benefit began to blur the lines between aid, south–south co-operation and investment. Today, Beijing has established at least 14 new agro-technical demonstration stations using an unusual public–private model that policy makers hope will assist sustainability. At the same time, a stirring of interest among land-scarce Chinese farmers and investors in developing farms in sub-Saharan Africa evokes a mix of anticipation and unease.


Author(s):  
Bruce A. Forster ◽  
Jessica D. Forster

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">This paper provides an introduction to the concepts of governance and state weakness, fragility or failure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>Selected indices of performance are presented with an emphasis on Sub-Saharan Africa. As noted by the 2005 UK Commission for Africa &ldquo;The most extreme breakdown of governance is war.&rdquo; The paper discusses the concepts and definitions of civil conflict and civil war, and the prevalence of civil war in Sub &ndash;Saharan Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>Among the costs of civil war are the people who are displaced due to their fear for life amidst the conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>If displaced persons exit the country they become refugees. The paper provides an introduction to the evolution of international humanitarian law since World War II to protect non-combatants, including refugees.</span></span></p>


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-42
Author(s):  
Samuel O. Atteh

Africa is experiencing an educational crisis of unprecedented proportions in higher education. Having been hailed in the 1960s as agent of modernization, social mobilization, and economic growth, most African universities are now tumbling down under the pressures of diminishing financial resources. From all indications, Africa is lagging behind other developing regions in terms of public expenditures particularly on education, availability of educational facilities, equal access to education, adequate pools of qualified teachers, and sufficient numbers of professionals and skilled workers. Pertinent data show that most African governments in the 1960s and 1970s made comparable progressive accomplishments in higher education. However, these accomplishments steadily disappeared in the 1980s. What went wrong in the 1980s? Why is higher education now such a convenient target for African leaders/governments, when pressured to trim their overextended public sector? To what extent is the lack of multiparty democracies affecting the deteriorating state of higher education in Africa? Is the declining importance attached to education in sub-Saharan Africa a reflection of the lack of education among Africa’s tyrannical rulers, hence the low appreciation of education? What role did the foreign financial institutions play in the African educational system? How can we turn the educational crisis around? These questions not only address African educational issues but also help us to explain the scope of this crisis. In a comparative analysis, this study describes the main African higher educational problems, identifies the root causes of the problems, and finally examines the implications for the twenty-first century.


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