Economics of Farm Input Subsidies in Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 501-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stein T. Holden

Fertilizer and other input subsidies have been prominent components of agricultural policies in many Asian and African countries since the 1960s. Their economic and political rationale is scrutinized with emphasis on the second generation of targeted input subsidy programs that were scaled up in Sub-Saharan Africa after 2005. The extent to which they fulfill the goal of being market smart is assessed after inspecting the potential for such subsidies in Sub-Saharan Africa. The new fertilizer subsidy programs do not live up to the market-smart principles and suffer from severe design and implementation failures. While a clear exit strategy was one of the key principles, this has been neglected, with the result that most current programs are more sticky than smart. They have only partially achieved the intended impacts and have resulted in a number of unintended negative impacts. Subsidy program redesign should start from a pilot stage testing basic mechanisms.

Author(s):  
Daniel G. Zirker

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Latenko

The author of the article attempts to analyze the scientific achievements of American researchers on the subject of Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s, using the example of two countries in the region – the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Nigeria. In both countries, which decolonized in 1960 and embarked on an independent path of development, during the first decade of their existence, various stormy events took place that shook the entire Sub-Saharan region and largely reflected on processes in other parts of the continent. Therefore, these countries are a particularly striking example on the basis of which this study was conducted. Based on a thorough review of the dissertations on the list, developed and defended in the United States by different generations of researchers over the course of half a century, the main priorities and areas of interest to the American scientific community have been identified. Although this paper does not claim to be a comprehensive and complete analysis, statistics based on available material are systematized in chronological and thematic dimensions. In particular, the events and phenomena of the history of the Congo and Nigeria, which particularly attracted the attention of American scholars, are highlighted. Predictably, the lion’s share of the research was devoted to the events of the Congolese crisis of 1960-1965, as well as the civil war for Biafra independence that unfolded in Nigeria. At the same time, it is found that most researchers were not so interested in the fate of the Sub-Saharan African countries themselves as the role and place of the United States in the region, their foreign policy, and the advancement of American national interests.


Author(s):  
Amber Reed

Independence from colonial governments happened in rather quick succession across the African continent, roughly from the 1960s to the 1990s. Thus democratic movements in Africa in the early 21st century can only be understood through close attention to postcolonial politics and their role in social and economic life. New forms of nationalism took root alongside deeply entrenched colonial practices that often contributed to local understandings of democracy. Furthermore, the transitions to independence in most African countries both coincided with and were deeply influenced by global Cold War politics and the scramble for power by both Soviet and American governments. Thus the push for democratic forms of governance on the continent included political parties often backed by one of these two competing ideological and military forces. As the Cold War ended and Soviet influence on the continent declined, democratic movements coupled with new forms of capitalism began to dominate African politics. Meanwhile the push for Pan-Africanism and celebrations of black personhood had a profound effect on political movements across the continent, particularly as evidenced in the governments of Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, and Senegal’s Leopold Senghor, to name a few. Such instances of grassroots democracy and cultural and racial pride counter larger structural narratives of the global hegemony of Western liberalism. While the anthropology of democracy as its own area of study is relatively new, pioneers in the field such as Julia Paley have opened important and stimulating debates about local appropriations of democracy, the colonial legacy, problems with cultural translation of rights discourses, issues of multicultural citizenship, and the potentials of the ethnographic method in investigating these diverse arenas. The readings in this article draw on a wide variety of scholarship and related resources, incorporating both classic Africanist explications of particular native political systems as well as more recent works that question the intersections of spiritual insecurity, neoliberal capitalism, postcolonialism, and attempts at democracy in 21st-century African states.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 153-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ezekiel Kalipeni ◽  
Linda L. Semu ◽  
Margaret Asalele Mbilizi

This article examines the flows of physicians and nurses from African countries to Europe and North America using available data sets. It offers a geographic perspective of the magnitude and flow of these skilled health care professionals and highlights positive and negative impacts of the flows on Africa’s development. The article further discusses the coercive and ‘carrot and stick’ strategies that African governments have employed during the past two decades in attempts to stem the tide of the flows of its health care professionals. It concludes by noting that while Africa can do nothing about the pull factors, it can mitigate the push factors by creating conducive working environments to help retain its health care professionals.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mukum Mbaku

After more than three decades of independence, many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have not yet developed stable political systems. Since the 1960s, when African countries began to achieve independence, many of them have encountered significant levels of institutional instability. In recent years, political violence has emerged as the most common method of governmental change. In this study, the effects of political violence on economic and human development in Sub-Saharan Africa are examined. It is seen that political instability is a significant constraint to the improvement of the human condition in the region.


2010 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-90
Author(s):  
Jan Záhořík

Charles University This study deals with language policies in Africa with a special focus on multi-ethnic and multi-lingual states including Sudan, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Democratic Republic of Congo. The study will thus examine relations between state and minorities, the status of major and marginalized languages, the roles of European languages in politics as well as theoretical frameworks. Sub-Saharan Africa has undergone a remarkable process from linguistic imperialism to linguistic pluralism and revivalism. Until the 1960s the superior position of the European languages (English, French, and Portuguese) was evident, but after the Africanization of politics and society in many African countries, a strong accent on linguistic emancipation was initiated. Nowadays, many African countries follow the principle of linguistic pluralism where several languages enjoy the same rights and space in the media, administrative, education, etc. This study will discuss some important case studies and their specific language policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (15) ◽  
pp. 8242
Author(s):  
Godwin Kofi Vondolia ◽  
Håkan Eggert ◽  
Jesper Stage

The fertilizer subsidies reintroduced in various sub-Saharan African countries from 2007 aim to increase agricultural production and assist in the development of fertilizer markets. The present study evaluates the impact of a fertilizer subsidy program among farmers in Ghana who employ highly mechanized irrigation systems. The results indicate that farmers who received fertilizer under the subsidy program used 45% more fertilizer. However, they did not use more weedicide and were likely to reduce investment in soil and water conservation. Thus, the income gains resulting from the subsidy programs were not invested in such non-targeted inputs. Moreover, the program beneficiaries’ reduced investment in soil and water conservation may explain the finding that the subsidy did not improve their productivity. Thus, since fertilizer subsidy programs alone may not improve productivity, it may be necessary to target spending explicitly on complementary inputs such as investing in soil and water conservation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ngozi A Erondu ◽  
Sagal A Ali ◽  
Mohamed Ali ◽  
Schadrac C Agbla

BACKGROUND In sub-Saharan Africa, underreporting of cases and deaths has been attributed to various factors including, weak disease surveillance, low health-seeking behaviour of flu like symptoms, and stigma of Covid-19. There is evidence that SARS-CoV-2 spread mimics transmission patterns of other countries across the world. Since the Covid-19 pandemic has changed the way research can be conducted and in light of restrictions on travel and risks to in-person data collection, innovative approaches to collecting data must be considered. Nearly 50% of Africa’s population is a unique mobile subscriber and it is one of the fastest growing smart-phone marketplaces in the world; hence, mobile phone platforms should be considered to monitor Covid-19 trends in the community. OBJECTIVE We demonstrate the use of digital contributor platforms to survey individuals about cases of flu-like symptoms and instances of unexplained deaths in Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, and Zimbabwe. METHODS Rapid cross-sectional survey of individuals with severe flu and pneumonia symptoms and unexplained deaths in Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia and Zimbabwe RESULTS Using a non-health specific information platform, we found COVID-19 signals in five African countries, specifically: •Across countries, nearly half of the respondents (n=739) knew someone who had severe flu or pneumonia symptoms in recent months. •One in three respondents from Somalia and one in five from Zimbabwe respondents said they knew more than five people recently displaying flu and/or pneumonia symptoms. •In Somalia there were signals that a large number of people might be dying outside of health facilities, specifically in their homes or in IDP or refugee camps. CONCLUSIONS Existing digital contributor platforms with local networks are a non-traditional data source that can provide information from the community to supplement traditional government surveillance systems and academic surveys. We demonstrate that using these distributor networks to for community surveys can provide periodic information on rumours but could also be used to capture local sentiment to inform public health decision-making; for example, these insights could be useful to inform strategies to increase confidence in Covid19 vaccine. As Covid-19 continues to spread somewhat silently across sub-Saharan Africa, regional and national public health entities should consider expanding event-based surveillance sources to include these systems.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuaib Lwasa

Africa’s urbanization rate has increased steadily over the past three decades and is reported to be faster than in any other region in the world . It is estimated that by 2030, over half of the African population will be living in urban areas . But the nature of Africa’s urbanization and subsequent form of cities is yet to be critically analyzed in the context of city authorities’ readiness to address the challenges . Evidence is also suggesting that urbanization in African countries is increasingly associated with the high economic growth that has been observed in the last two decades . Both underlying and proximate drivers are responsible for the urbanization, and these include population dynamics, economic growth, legislative designation, increasing densities in rural centers, as well as the growth of mega cities such as Lagos, Cairo and Kinshasa, that are extending to form urban corridors . With the opportunities of urbanization in Sub–Saharan Africa, there are also challenges in the development and management of these cities . Those challenges include provision of social services, sustainable economic development, housing development, urban governance, spatial development guidance and environmental management, climate change adaptation, mitigation and disaster risk reduction . The challenge involves dealing with the development and infrastructure deficit, in addition to required adaption to and mitigation of climate change . This paper examines the current state of urban management in Africa .


Having broadly stabilized inflation over the past two decades, many policymakers in sub-Saharan Africa are now asking more of their monetary policy frameworks. They are looking to avoid policy misalignments and respond appropriately to both domestic and external shocks, including swings in fiscal policy and spikes in food and export prices. In many cases they are finding current regimes—often characterized as ‘money targeting’—lacking, with opaque and sometimes inconsistent objectives, inadequate transmission of policy to the economy, and difficulties in responding to supply shocks. At the same time, little existing research on monetary policy is targeted to low-income countries. What do we know about the empirics of monetary transmission in low-income countries? (How) Does monetary policy work in countries characterized by a huge share of food in consumption, underdeveloped financial markets, and opaque policy regimes? (How) Can we use methods largely derived in advanced countries to answer these questions? And (how) can we use the results to guide policymakers? This book draws on years of research and practice at the IMF and in central banks from the region to shed empirical and theoretical light on these questions and to provide practical tools and policy guidance. A key feature of the book is the application of dynamic general equilibrium models, suitably adapted to reflect key features of low-income countries, for the analysis of monetary policy in sub-Saharan African countries.


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