System Under Strain

2021 ◽  
pp. 208-241
Author(s):  
David Bosco

Seabed mining became more active as companies invested in technologies to harvest valuable minerals. Momentum toward commercial mining would test directly the idea of international control of ocean space. The industry’s prospects also revived attention to whether the United States might join the Convention, and the Obama administration pushed to secure ratification. That effort failed, mostly because of conservative concerns about the internationalization of the seabed. Washington’s continued refusal to join the Convention created a complicated situation in which the leading maritime power claimed to defend maritime rules but was outside the Convention. From inside the Convention, China and Russia both challenged maritime rules. Both countries rejected international rulings critical of their maritime behavior. Despite an international ruling, China continued its efforts to secure special rights in the South China Sea, and the United States responded by increasing its naval activities in the area and conducting more freedom of navigation operations.

Significance However, China's navy already has an operational sea-based nuclear deterrent based on Hainan Island. The deployment of nuclear-armed submarines, and their need to reach the mid-Pacific to threaten the continental United States, makes the South China Sea an arena not just of maritime disputes but of US-China military rivalry. Impacts The strategic importance of the Philippines, Taiwan and Singapore to the United States will increase. A new defence agreement with the Philippines will, as of last month, support US military activities in the area. Washington will encourage greater Japanese involvement in the South China Sea; as long as Shinzo Abe is prime minister, Japan will oblige.


2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng-Chwee KUIK

If “militarisation” is defined as an act of deploying military assets to pursue wider strategic ends, then all players of the South China Sea disputes have engaged in some forms of militarisation. China’s militarisation reflect three layers of target audiences: the United States (the main target), regional countries (the secondary target) and its domestic audience. Beijing’s growing anxieties over US rebalancing and the arbitration ruling have paradoxically pushed it to accelerate its “militarisation” activities.


Author(s):  
D.V. Mosyakov ◽  

The author analyzes the situation in the South China Sea at the height of the global Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic and concludes that the pandemic only exacerbates long-standing conflicts. The author also examines the position of China, the United States and the ASEAN countries in relation to disputes in the South China Sea, highlighting Vietnam, which has long been a "bone of contention" between Beijing and Washington.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fikry Anshori

<p>Abstrak<br />Latar belakang artikel ini adalah ekspansi China di Laut China Selatan serta pengaktifan kembali Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD adalah pertemuan non-formal yang beranggotakan United States, Australia, India, dan Japan. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjawab ‘Apa keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD pasca pengaktifan kembali mereka untuk menghadapi kehadiran China di Laut China Selatan?’. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah Balance of Threat dari Stephen Walt. Hasil dari artikel ini memperlihatkan keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD adalah lokasi geografis, sebagian besar sumber daya dan persenjataan, serta program latihan perang bersama dan modernisasi persenjataan. Keunggulan tersebut dapat digunakan QSD untuk menghadapi niat mengancam dari China dengan kehadiran mereka di Laut China Selatan.</p><p>Abstract<br />The background of this article is the expansion of China in the South China Sea and the reactivation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD is an informal meeting with members from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. This article seeks to answer 'What advantages does QSD have after their reactivation to face China's presence in the South China Sea?'. The main theory used in this article is the Balance of Threat from Stephen Walt. The results of this article show the advantages possessed by QSD is the geographical location, the majority of resources and weapons, as well as joint war training and weapon modernization programs. These advantages can be used by QSD to face the threatening intentions of China with its presence in the South China Sea.</p>


Author(s):  
Rasha Suhail Mohamed Zaydan

International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.                    


Author(s):  
Igor O. Mishin

The South China Sea conflict is still the «hot - spot» of the Asia-Pacific. In this article special attention is paid to the position of the United States in the South China Sea conflict under the presidency of Joe Biden. US national interests in the South China Sea are shaped by the American desire to maintain its geopolitical dominance in the Asia-Pacific region and prevent the growth of any hostile power. Today, the South China Sea is the world&apos;s most important water area, control over which gives an economic and military advantage. In 2020 the United States officially declared the PRC a &quot;country whose actions are aimed at revising the international order&quot; and a &quot;strategic rival&quot;. The United States believes that Beijing&apos;s policy of creating and militarizing outposts in the SCS allegedly jeopardizes free trade, threatens the sovereignty of other countries, and undermines regional stability. Moreover, the United States blames China for trying to use the pandemic as a way to achieve its goals in the South China Sea. The first steps taken by Joe Biden administration clearly indicate Washington’s continuation of previous American hard line in South China Sea. Despite the change in presidential administrations, the United States continues to actively engage US Navy warships as part of operations to protect freedom of navigation, using them as a tool to contain China. In addition, the new administration is actively building an informal anti-Chinese coalition in the region, using both bilateral ties with allies and multilateral platforms, primarily NATO, Quad and AUKUS.


Author(s):  
Zakaria Ahmad

Malaysia’s relations with the United States and China are examined in the context of a changing balance of power scenario in Asia and Southeast Asia. China’s rise and U.S. “rebalancing” to the region as well as overlapping claims in the South China Sea are issues faced by Malaysia at the same time it is engaged in an era of increased trade and economic growth in the region. Malaysia’s posture and policy is to steer away from being embroiled in the Sino-U.S. rivalry, even as it continues to engage with both in “strategic partnerships.” As Malaysia is an ASEAN state of stature, with claims in the South China Sea, its position is to seek a peaceful solution with China and its ASEAN partners, and it will avoid any military conflagration.


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