Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 242-248
Author(s):  
David Bosco

The disagreement between China and the United States over maritime rights in the South China Sea has become the leading maritime point of friction. But that dispute is just one part of more fundamental change at work in how the world governs the oceans, one that has moved away from the idea of freedom of the seas. A central question is whether the UN Convention’s compromise on the oceans can endure. The Convention increased national sovereignty over parts of the oceans but also created mechanisms of international control. What emerged from that compromise is a complex, hybrid system of governance that relies on national governments but also a variety of international and regional organizations and international courts. Part of that compromise is a narrower version of freedom of the seas, but pressure from multiple directions is rendering even a limited version of that long-standing doctrine increasingly fragile.

2021 ◽  
pp. 175-207
Author(s):  
David Bosco

Post–Cold War ocean diplomacy appeared promising, particularly in the Arctic. Countries in the region negotiated maritime boundaries and cooperated on environmental concerns. Globally, several new maritime organizations took shape, including a tribunal and an organization to manage the deep seabed. Many countries proved eager to get more undersea territory, and they assembled legal claims to large areas of the continental shelf. These developments were accompanied by increased tension in the South China Sea, where China asserted special rights. Its moves provoked tension with other countries, including the United States. A collision between US and Chinese military aircraft highlighted the risks. The new legal framework for the oceans was tested in other ways, including through boarding operations and moves by countries to keep dangerous vessels far away from their coasts. The effort to control fishing activities continued and featured both dramatic high-seas chases and quiet negotiations by regional organizations.


Significance However, China's navy already has an operational sea-based nuclear deterrent based on Hainan Island. The deployment of nuclear-armed submarines, and their need to reach the mid-Pacific to threaten the continental United States, makes the South China Sea an arena not just of maritime disputes but of US-China military rivalry. Impacts The strategic importance of the Philippines, Taiwan and Singapore to the United States will increase. A new defence agreement with the Philippines will, as of last month, support US military activities in the area. Washington will encourage greater Japanese involvement in the South China Sea; as long as Shinzo Abe is prime minister, Japan will oblige.


2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 15-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng-Chwee KUIK

If “militarisation” is defined as an act of deploying military assets to pursue wider strategic ends, then all players of the South China Sea disputes have engaged in some forms of militarisation. China’s militarisation reflect three layers of target audiences: the United States (the main target), regional countries (the secondary target) and its domestic audience. Beijing’s growing anxieties over US rebalancing and the arbitration ruling have paradoxically pushed it to accelerate its “militarisation” activities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 1049-1053
Author(s):  
Alfred W. McCoy

“Your honors, in this venue, I announce my separation from the United States … both in military, but economics also,” said Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte to a burst of applause from an audience of officials in Beijing's Great Hall of the People, the symbolic seat of China's ruling Communist Party. At the Philippine-Chinese trade forum that same day, October 20, 2016, Duterte opened his speech by asking, “What is really wrong with an American character?” Americans are, he continued, “loud, sometimes rowdy, and they have this volume of their voice … not adjusted to civility…. They are the more forward commanding voice befitting obedience.” Evoking some deep Filipino racialist tropes, Duterte then mocked the flat, nasal American accent and rued the time he was questioned at the Los Angeles airport by a “Black” officer with a “black” uniform, “black shoes,” and a “black” gun. Moving from rhetoric to substance, Duterte quietly capitulated to Beijing's relentless pressure for bilateral talks to settle the dispute over the South China Sea, virtually abrogating Manila's recent slam-dunk win on that issue before an international court (Demick and Wilson 2016; DU30 News 2016).


Author(s):  
D.V. Mosyakov ◽  

The author analyzes the situation in the South China Sea at the height of the global Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic and concludes that the pandemic only exacerbates long-standing conflicts. The author also examines the position of China, the United States and the ASEAN countries in relation to disputes in the South China Sea, highlighting Vietnam, which has long been a "bone of contention" between Beijing and Washington.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fikry Anshori

<p>Abstrak<br />Latar belakang artikel ini adalah ekspansi China di Laut China Selatan serta pengaktifan kembali Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD adalah pertemuan non-formal yang beranggotakan United States, Australia, India, dan Japan. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjawab ‘Apa keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD pasca pengaktifan kembali mereka untuk menghadapi kehadiran China di Laut China Selatan?’. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah Balance of Threat dari Stephen Walt. Hasil dari artikel ini memperlihatkan keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD adalah lokasi geografis, sebagian besar sumber daya dan persenjataan, serta program latihan perang bersama dan modernisasi persenjataan. Keunggulan tersebut dapat digunakan QSD untuk menghadapi niat mengancam dari China dengan kehadiran mereka di Laut China Selatan.</p><p>Abstract<br />The background of this article is the expansion of China in the South China Sea and the reactivation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD is an informal meeting with members from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. This article seeks to answer 'What advantages does QSD have after their reactivation to face China's presence in the South China Sea?'. The main theory used in this article is the Balance of Threat from Stephen Walt. The results of this article show the advantages possessed by QSD is the geographical location, the majority of resources and weapons, as well as joint war training and weapon modernization programs. These advantages can be used by QSD to face the threatening intentions of China with its presence in the South China Sea.</p>


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