Common Concepts of Successful Prevention Programs

Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos

The review of four major fields—prevention of delinquency, substance abuse, teen pregnancy, and school failure (in Chapters 9 to 12)—yielded about 100 different programs that appear to have potential for changing behavioral outcomes. Most of the selected programs reported evaluation data that showed improvements in social behavior or school achievement or reductions in substance abuse or unprotected sexual intercourse. However, 20 of the programs were included as examples of new interventions based on proven theories of behavioral change but with incomplete evaluations. These programs represent a cross-section of thousands of efforts to change the lives of children and youth in all parts of the country. In each chapter, the programs were loosely categorized by type. Among all the models discussed, about 10 percent fell into the category of early child or family intervention, 60 percent were school-based interventions, and 30 percent community-based or multiagency programs. Among the school-based programs, one-third involved specialized curricula, one-third provided nonacademic services in schools, and one-third dealt with school organization or were alternative schools. As we will see, the successful programs share a number of common elements, more than might be expected given the extensive differences in size, complexity, goals, and level of documentation. Among the program models are those directed at very small groups of selected high-risk children and those directed at an entire school or community. Some of the programs had a single purpose (smoking prevention), while others had multiple goals (dropout and pregnancy prevention). Some were offered at one site, while others were multisite. The criterion of primary prevention was loosely applied; some of the most successful models combined identification and counseling or teaching of potential high-risk children with treatment of those who already had the problem. The evaluation of some of the programs accepted here as models was admittedly less than ideal, demonstrating only short-term effects with imperfect control groups. However, for other models, the evaluation meets scientific standards. More than half of the evaluations were carried out by the “designers” of the programs, typically testing their own curricula in schools.

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
Diana Juarez ◽  
Rocio Abundis ◽  
Ron Sisson ◽  
Michele Roland ◽  
Gary Yates ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos

The literature on prevention of substance abuse is extensive, diverse, uneven, and difficult to summarize. It encompasses intensive reviews of drug education research in general, well-documented experiments with specific school-based interventions, more cursory articles promoting a program but lacking any outcome data, pamphlets advertising curricula, and assorted other materials. This range reflects the fuzziness of the subject of substance abuse prevention and the specialized interests of those who work on it. Some efforts focus only on preventing cigarette smoking, others on alcohol abuse, a few include all substance-related behaviors. In programs directed toward alcohol abuse, there is no agreement on whether the goal should be abstinence or responsible decision making. There is little agreement about whether programs should focus only on substance abuse or deal with more general issues related to the predictors of substance use, such as family bonding and school failure. One school of thought adheres to the position that substance abuse issues should be dealt with in the context of comprehensive health education. Another approach to the prevention of substance abuse takes us away from school-based programs into the area of public policy. This view suggests that behavioral change will result from enforcing restrictive laws and policies and creating broader media efforts aimed at the whole society rather than youth. Many people attribute the decline in cigarette smoking to drastic shifts in public opinion about its social acceptability and safety following the release of a Surgeon General’s report 25 years ago that documented the negative health consequences of smoking. It is true that the changes in behavior even among adolescents took place in the late 1970s, prior to the initiation of most smoking prevention programs in schools in the early 1980s. Teen smoking behavior has changed much less during this decade than the prior one. The Advocacy Institute has proposed a number of priority policy actions to prevent smoking which include creating smoke-free workplaces and public spaces, increasing excise taxes on cigarettes (assuming a 10 percent increase in tax produces a 12 percent reduction in smoking!), compelling cigarette manufacturers to assume liability for smoke-caused deaths and diseases, neutralizing or reducing cigarette advertising and promotion, and restricting sales to minors.


Author(s):  
Joy G. Dryfoos

The literature on prevention of adolescent pregnancy has a somewhat different tone than the two sets of literature we have just reviewed on delinquency and substance abuse prevention. While those fields were dominated by psychiatric studies (delinquency) and psychologically oriented school-based interventions (substance abuse), the discussion of teen pregnancy tends to focus much more on broader sociological and moral issues. During the past decade, a great deal has been said in the press and on TV specials about preventing teen pregnancy; the subject has been aired at endless conferences and in Congressional Committee hearings. A number of books have been published on the subject, typically collections of previously published articles or chapters provided by authorities. In this literature, certain strategies appear to have been accepted among most of the commentators: that the major focus of prevention should be sex education in the schools and access to contraceptive methods, with little mention of evaluation of these approaches. It would be a gross overstatement to imply that there is a consensus in the United States about what to do about adolescent pregnancy. As in every other facet of American life, there is a significant difference between “liberals” and “conservatives” about appropriate interventions. The conservatives take the position that only abstention will solve the problem, and it is up to families to produce the moral climate necessary to help their children maintain their virginity until marriage. Mosbacher, in a report for the Family Research Council of America, calls for molding children to “reflect virtue, self-control, and self-sacrifice in services to others.” Clearly, when sex enters the scene, the situation becomes complicated. Scholars may be frightened away. Universities do not have departments and big names associated with the evaluation of pregnancy prevention interventions. There is, however, extensive “population research,” focusing on demographic studies of changes in vital rates, with some work on the determinants and consequences of adolescent pregnancy (see Chapter 5). Evaluations of family planning programs are mostly being conducted overseas in developing countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-235
Author(s):  
Lisa Rue ◽  
Michael Floren ◽  
Kiley Floren ◽  
Galena Rhoades ◽  
Elaine Walker ◽  
...  

Objective: In this study, we isolated primary messaging strategies of sexuality education curricula to improve tailored delivery of group-based interventions. Specifically, our aim was to define single-message programs (eg, messaging about avoiding sexual risk or messaging about reducing sexual risk) and multiple-message programs (eg, avoiding sexual risk and reducing sexual risk), and to investigate their comparative effectiveness. Methods: We used a descriptive approach with publicly available data from US Department of Health and Human Services-funded teen pregnancy prevention programs to categorize 16 different curricula as single-message or multiple-message. We coded primary messages using a curriculum mapping rubric and scoring that was evaluated by a panel of experts for content validity. Forest plots compared behavioral outcomes. Results: Scores for primary messages achieved inter-rater reliability of 91%-100%; curricula were scored on 20 items within each category to calculate mean scores. Spearman correlations for items ranged from .43 to .93. Conclusions: No outcome differences were observed between single- or multi-message programs. Effective delivery of primary messaging may rely more on identifying moderators of classroom climate typically underrepresented in evaluations of school-based programs.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (11) ◽  
pp. 1247-1253 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. L. BURR ◽  
T. G. MERRETT ◽  
F. D. J. DUNSTAN ◽  
M. J. MAGUIRE
Keyword(s):  

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