Public Opinion of Winners and Losers

2021 ◽  
pp. 114-121
Author(s):  
Kristen Ghodsee ◽  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

Chapter 10 analyzes public opinion data to identify individuals who were more and less likely to support transitional reforms. In the mid-1990s, significant numbers of disaffected Russians indicated a preference for the old Soviet regime when compared to the current regime or a Western democracy, which suggests evidence for a phenomenon termed “red nostalgia.” Public opinion data also suggest that market capitalism is more popular in Central and Eastern Europe, but that many of those who expressed support for reform did it out of self-interest. The beneficiaries of transition—mostly the wealthy, young, educated, urban, and men—were more likely to support markets and democracy than their demographic counterparts. The chapter shows that across the postsocialist world, differences in support for reform are indicative of widespread belief that transition was being led from above, and that political and economic reforms were being imposed on the socialist masses by liberal elites.

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 26-36
Author(s):  
Rasa Genienė

The global coronovirus (Covid-19) pandemic has been revealed what about half of the world’s deaths are recorded in large institutions of the elderly and people with disabilities, and these are later thought to be incentives for states to take active deinstitutionalisation efforts. In order for deinstitutionalisation actions to respond to its ideological origins, which lie in the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, in the necessary legal instruments and in clarifying that Member States are responsible. The article reveals how the deinstitutionalisation processes that have already started are implemented and evaluated in Central and Eastern Europe and discusses their problems. Content analysis was used to investigate the Soviet regime, leading to the implementation of official and alternative (shadow) reports on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Piotr Szymaniec

The paper describes the debates which took place during the 4th Annual CEENELS Conference (Moscow, 14–15 June 2019). The aim of the conference was to analyse the issue of legal innovativeness in Central and Eastern Europe, the topic which was chosen as a continuation of previous CEENELS conferences. The organizers wanted to challenge the widespread belief that the legal culture of Central and Eastern Europe lacks original and innovative concepts and ideas. Even if the conference did not bring a definitive answer about the character of Central and Eastern European countries’ legal culture, it showed that the region is not only a territory of legal transplants and reception of legal ideas, concepts and institutions, created in Western Europe or the US.


2021 ◽  
pp. 93-105
Author(s):  
Bogdana Nosova

The text aims to present the strategy used by Anne Applebaum to bring the history of Central and Eastern Europe closer to western audiences. In the article, the author was presented as a journalist and public intellectual who developed an original way of speaking and writing about the past of Central and Eastern Europe. She has been portrayed as a kind of mediator who attempts to explain the essence and sources of the diverse identities and narratives that have formed among the nations and cultures of Central and Eastern Europe. Selected assessments of her activity, formulated by historians as well as public opinion leaders, were also presented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-345
Author(s):  
Nikola Petrvić ◽  
Marko Mrakovčić ◽  
Filip Fila

Relations between Brussels and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) worsened during and after the 2015 migration crisis. In order to see to what extent CEE citizens contributed to and/or resonated with this new state of affairs, this paper investigates public opinion before the migration crisis in seven CEE EU Member States. We inquire whether the main issues of the rift (CEE political elites’ opposition to following EU decisions and immigration and their emphasis on sovereignism, nationalism, Christian Europe and historical traumas) could also be traced to public stances towards these issues before the migration crisis. We used the ISSP National Identity module conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. The results show that opposition to EU supranationalism was not linked to ethnic nationalism and religious identity (except in Hungary). Contrary to political elites, who emphasised the cultural threat posed by migration, public opinion was more concerned with the economic threat. Moreover, the perception of cultural threat was not linked to opposing EU supranationalism in any of the countries. However, particularly support for sovereignism (in almost all the countries), but also pride in national history (in some countries) correlated negatively with support for EU supranationalism. The results suggest that political elites can bypass public opinion to construct an anti-EU climate, however not out of thin air. The conditions for such a process were present in Hungary with its emerging transnational cleavage, which shows the importance of cleavages in studying Euroscepticism.


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