Finding the Restaurant

Author(s):  
Brenda Assael

Chapter 1 offers a typology and geographical survey of the Victorian and Edwardian London restaurant. It opens with a quantitative overview, using Kelly’s Post Office Directories, in order to establish not merely the number of restaurants, but also their locations. The chapter then identifies and details a variety of categories (for example, chophouses, working-class eating houses, small-scale owner-managed dining rooms, street carts, and women’s, vegetarian, and temperance restaurants), while at the same time emphasizing that the polyglot nature of eating often renders such categorization problematic. The restaurant is shown here to be more than just a fashionable West End establishment; it also encompassed modest refreshment rooms spread across the metropolis, in particular the City of London.

Night Raiders ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 21-42
Author(s):  
Eloise Moss

Chapter 1 charts the emergence of the ‘professional’ London burglar as a masculine, daring, and diabolically clever criminal type, embodied in the exploits of Charles Peace (d. 1879). Peace, a notorious burglar and murderer originally from Sheffield, committed twenty-six burglaries in London’s Blackheath district single-handed in 1878. Using inventive disguises, hand-made tools, and enjoying an extensive and prolific ‘career’, Peace gained a notoriety which endured into the late 1930s. Peace was exceptional. His life and criminal exploits were an anomaly among a much larger number of opportunistic thieves, whose burglaries, from predominantly working-class homes, were few and their rewards meagre. Why, then, did Peace become the archetype of burglars, upon whose legacy police and public were encouraged to dwell when deciding how to regulate the city and secure their homes? Chapter 1 traces how a real-life villain was turned into a legendary criminal, in a process that had profound implications for all subsequent versions of burglary whether legal, criminological, or circulating through popular culture.


1981 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Drabble ◽  
P. J. Drake

One of the most interesting features of the growth of Britain's overseas commerce over the past two centuries has been the merchant firm, often the product of very small-scale beginnings but gradually developing into a worldwide network centring on London. The scope for such enterprises grew as effective naval control increased the security of the maritime trade routes and the importance of the great chartered companies declined. Much of the early growth came from the “country trade” between India and China in which private merchants were permitted to engage. In the late eighteenth century, commercial firms in the City of London began to open branches in India to deal in local products such as indigo, cotton and, later, opium. By the early nineteenth century, around two dozen of these “agency houses” were in existence though the majority were very small and short-lived. 1 In the same period, the more substantial firms were establishing further offshoots in Canton to participate in the tea and silk trade in Europe.


Coming Home ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Wendy Kline

Chapter 1, “Back to Bed: From Hospital to Home Obstetrics in the City of Chicago” analyzes the home obstetrics training practiced at the Chicago Maternity Center alongside the emergence of what would become an international breastfeeding organization, La Leche League. One focused on the inner-city’s working-class population, while the other catered more to the suburban white middle-class. Both the Chicago Maternity Center and the La Leche League relied on the promotion of home birth, but for very different reasons. Under the CMC, home birth provided essential training for obstetrical students, while under the LLL, it enabled mothers to breastfeed and bond with their babies. The different rationales underscored the extent to which race, class, and context shaped ideas about home birth. Taken together, these two examples reveal the complex origins of what would become a contested yet increasingly popular practice by the 1970s.


1975 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 447-484 ◽  

Kathleen Yardley was born in Newbridge, Southern Ireland, on 28 January 1903. She once wrote: ‘Perhaps, for my sake, it was as well that there was no testimony against a high birth rate in those days.’ She was the youngest of ten children, four girls and six boys. Her family was poor, at times wretchedly so. Four of her brothers died in infancy. Her father, Harry Frederick Yardley, had left his own family at the age of ten, becoming first a telegraph boy and then a postman. He married in 1889 (aged thirty-one) and is described on the marriage certificate as ‘Lobby Office Post office, batchelor, son of Daniel Yardley, deed., tailor’. He joined the army through the City of London Volunteers and fought in the South African war, finally becoming regimental sergeant major. There is a family tradition that he received special commendation on discharge for improvements he had introduced in firing techniques. Kathleen was born when he returned from the wars to Ireland to be postmaster in charge of a staff of six at Newbridge post office; this was near to the Curragh camp and dealt with the mail for the Black and Tans. He was an intelligent man, read widely from books he had picked up from junk stalls on almost any subject, the antiquities of Peru, the birds of Western Australia, encyclopaedias, anything that took his fancy. In later years he lived apart from his family (for a time in charge of the post office at Chipping Norton, Oxfordshire), he visited them only occasionally, then very often quarrelling with them. He drank at times and kept his wife chronically short of money: all the children were persuaded by their mother at an early age to ‘sign the pledge’. It now seems possible that his irritability was due to diabetes which he contracted before it could be treated by insulin. He retired early, owing to ill health, when Kathleen was twelve, and died of Bright’s disease when she was twenty. Kathleen wrote: ‘I think he was fond of us and did not know how to show it. I wish that I could have been fonder of him. I think that it was from him that I inherited my passion for facts.’


Author(s):  
Douglas J. Flowe

Chapter 1 addresses the ways Jim Crow social and economic customs and policing impacted the way African Americans used public space. By looking at work and housing discrimination and the fact that white and black working-class New Yorkers often lived close together, the chapter argues that public space was precarious, conflicts ignited frequently, and blacks needed to be inventive to survive. The chapter also charts how blacks protested, and sometimes fought back, against hostile neighbors, unfair policing, and police brutality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Cinthia Torres Toledo ◽  
Marília Pinto de Carvalho

Black working-class boys are the group with the most significant difficulties in their schooling process. In dialogue with Raewyn Connell, we seek to analyze how the collective conceptions of peer groups have influenced the school engagement of Brazilian boys. We conducted an ethnographic research with students around the age of 14 at an urban state school in the periphery of the city of São Paulo. We analyzed the hierarchization process between two groups of boys, demonstrating the existence of a collective notion of masculinity that works against engagement with the school. Well-known to the Anglophone academic literature, this association is rather uncommon in the Brazilian literature. We have therefore attempted to describe and analyze here the challenges faced by Black working-class Brazilian boys to establish more positive educational trajectories.


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