The Personal Is Political

Author(s):  
Renee Heberle

This chapter traces the history of and various meanings captured by the phrase “the personal is political” in the United States. It begins with an explanation of the use of the phrase by young civil rights activists who were struggling with the abstraction of critical theory and the authoritarian qualities of culture. The chapter tracks the phrase through into the early days of feminism in the late 1960s and early 1970s when second-wave feminists began to challenge the violence and oppressions experienced by women in the private realm. The chapter then highlights how “the personal is political” is related to the emergence of identity politics and the theorizing of difference within feminism. The conclusion offers some observations about contemporary uses and abuses of the phrase by those who identify as feminists in the popular sphere.

Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck

The introduction includes Bible verses cited by ministers to defend segregation and verses to oppose segregation. There are slices of the history of the United States, the Civil Rights Movement, and African American history. The southern states, where white ministers confronted segregation, are identified. The term “minister” is explained as well as the variety of labels given these ministers ranging from “Liberal,” Progressive,” “Neo-Orthodox,” “Evangelical Liberal,” “open conservative,” ‘Last Hurrah of the Social Gospel Movement” to “Trouble Maker,” “Traitor, “ “Atheist,” “Communist,” “N_____ Lover.” Rachel Henderlite, the only woman minister mentioned in the book, is identified. Synopses of the book’s seven chapters are included. Comments by historians David Chappell, Charles Reagan Wilson, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ernest Campbell, and Thomas Pettigrew are cited.


Author(s):  
Adriane Lentz-Smith

This chapter explores grand strategy as an intellectual and cultural project by considering its willful unseeing of race as a political project. To ignore race is to misapprehend how power works in the United States and how domestic formulations of subjectivity, difference, and racialized power imbue American foreign relations. The chapter focuses on African Americans in the era of Cold War civil rights. For Carl Rowan and Sam Greenlee, the two African American veterans who provide concrete cases for thinking about the United States and the world, their blackness and ambitions for their people would color how they interpreted America's role in political and military struggles in the Third World and beyond. As with other people of color, their encounters with white supremacy shaped their understandings of liberation, violence, and the United States security project. Their perspectives challenge scholars’ conceptions of the Cold War as a period of “defined clear national interests” and “public consensus.” Centering the stories of Rowan and Greenlee highlights not simply ongoing contestation over the myth and history of the Cold War, but, more fundamentally, the unthinking whiteness of grand strategy itself.


1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 504-526 ◽  

Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex in elementary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities. It states: "No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance...." Conflict over the formulation and interpretation of the regulation erupted immediately after the passage of Title IX, and its statutory limits continue to be tested, increasingly in the courts, across the country. This interview explores the effects of Title IX and the controversy surrounding its implementation. Five women, each uniquely involved with the short but volatile history of Title IX, discuss its implications and potential for ensuring a more equitable educational system. The interview participants include The Honorable Shirley Chisholm, Democratic Congresswoman from New York; Mary Jolly, Staff Director and Counsel to the Senate Subcommittee on the Constitution chaired by Senator Birch Bayh; Leslie Wolfe, Director of the Women's Educational Equity Act Program, and formerly Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary for Education, who earlier had been Deputy Director of the Women's Rights Program of the Commission on Civil Rights; Cindy Brown, Principal Deputy Director of the Office for Civil Rights in HEW; and Holly Knox, Director of PEER, the Project on Equal Education Rights of the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund, and former Legislative Specialist in the United States Office of Education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 319-331
Author(s):  
Andreas Huyssen

O presente texto é adaptado de Prophets of Deceit Redivivus – palestra proferida em 8 de junho de 2019 no Museu de História Alemã em Berlim, em conferência sobre Mosse’s Europe: New Perspectives in the History of German Judaism, Fascism, and Sexuality. A conferência discutiu proximidades e diferenças entre a atual situação política nos Estados Unidos e o fascismo entreguerras, nacional socialista. O texto foi originalmente publicado em julho de 2019, em n+1 Magazine, disponível em: https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/behemoth-rises-again/.Palavras-chave: Teoria Crítica; Marxismo cultural; Fascismo; Donald Trump.AbstractThe following is adapted from “Prophets of Deceit Redivivus,” a lecture delivered on June 8 at the German Historical Museum in Berlin at a conference on “Mosse’s Europe: New Perspectives in the History of German Judaism, Fascism, and Sexuality.” The lecture addressed the parallels and differences between the current political situation in the United States and interwar fascism and National Socialism. It was originally published in July, 2019, in n+1 Magazine, available at: https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/behemoth-rises-again/.Keywords: Critical Theory; Cultural Marxism; Fascism; Donald Trump.


Author(s):  
E. James West

This chapter situates the early development of Ebony within a longer history of black press engagement with black history and the evolution of the black history movement in the United States. It demonstrates that black history education was an important, if often overlooked feature of Ebony from its creation in 1945 and demonstrates how coalescing civil rights activism pushed the magazine towards a more substantive engagement with both black history and black activism.


Author(s):  
Harold D. Morales

Chapter 1 introduces the history of Islamic Spain and the remembrance of it by the first Latino Muslim group in the United States, la Alianza Islámica, the Islamic Alliance. Although there have been several recorded instances of individual Latinos embracing Islam since the 1920s, no direct historical link exists between Muslims in Spain and Latino Muslims in the United States. Instead, the memory of Islamic Spain has been used to frame Latinos as historically connected to Islam rather than completely foreign to it. Additionally, the Alianza drew from other civil rights organizational models to develop several centers in New York where they worked to propagate Islam, provide social services, and engage in political activism. Additionally, the Alianza experienced marginalization from broader Muslim organizations and sought to develop autonomously from them. Through its unique origin histories and various activities, the Alianza helped to crystalize a first wave of Latino Muslims.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 162-190
Author(s):  
Irina Zhezhko-Braun ◽  

The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.


Author(s):  
Mary Newbery

Since the 1960s, feminist curriculum scholarship and social and political activism have been entangled in mutually influential ways. Feminist engagements with difference demonstrate the complex ways the field of curriculum studies is immersed in the cultural, social, and political commitments of the wider communities in which it inhabits. As second-wave feminist scholars grappled with their understandings of and resistances to the “Man” of liberal humanism occurring in the United States amid the social and political upheavals occurring in the United States beginning in the late 1950s, feminist curriculum scholars engaged in related academic endeavors. For example, prevalent themes in these “early” feminist curriculum scholars’ work included taking up feminist themes of “the personal as political” and women’s solidarity as a political strategy enacted to resist patriarchy. By the 1980s, however, feminist scholars began to decenter the universal, humanist subject amid widespread critiques of the lack of inclusivity in second-wave feminisms. These efforts helped complexify our understandings of the “we” of feminism(s) and feminist curriculum studies. These decenterings led to what some have called an identity crisis in both mainstream and academic renderings of feminism(s), characterized by two distinct and oftentimes factionalized feminist approaches for understanding difference. The first was the adoption of identity politics as the foundation for theories and activisms directed toward emancipatory ideals and outcomes. From this perspective, solidarity within identity groups became a feminist strategy on which to build knowledge projects and activisms. The second, sometimes categorized under the umbrella of poststructural feminism(s), understood freedom as deriving from a rejection of identity as static, and instead dismissed the notion of foundational subjectivity as a precursor for both feminist scholarship and political activism. In feminist curriculum studies, these developments led to troublings of teachers’ autobiographical subjectivity and challenges to historical accounts that include the interrogation of humanist notions of representation, reflection, and linearity, for example. Not all relationships with feminism(s) fit into this category, however. The political and cultural environment of the 1980s included the rise of a highly mobilized New Right, characterized in the United States by the Reagan and Bush Sr. presidencies, a deteriorating job market in Western economies, deregulation, an acceleration of asymmetrical flows of global capital, transnational trade agreements, and the exploitation of non-Western job markets for cheap labor. This led to new and different intertwinings of feminism and neoliberal capitalism. As a result, both mainstream and academic feminism(s) were increasingly engaged with the paradoxes and contradictions of postfeminism, a concept utilized to characterize both an acknowledgment and rejection of feminism(s) during this era. By the second decade of the new millennium, a fourth wave seemed imminent, brought on by global responses to the September 11, 2001, bombing of the World Trade Center in New York and hashtag movements such as #me too and #Bringbackourgirls movements. As bodies, capital, and the material world mingle and flow in newly explored and complex ways, emergent trends in feminist curriculum studies include an increased interest in the non-human, posthuman, and more-than-human worlds and the ways they intra-act with feminist new materialist theories and post-anthropocentric worlds.


Author(s):  
Ala Sirriyeh

This chapter examines the connection between colonialism and the emotion of compassion in contemporary immigration policy by reviewing key discourses present in the colonial and immigration histories of Australia, the UK and the United States. It first provides an overview of the history of British colonialism and how it gave rise to the ‘civilising process’, along with the rise of the discourse of ‘benevolent colonialism’ during the second wave of empire. It then considers the emergence and development of exclusionary immigration policies from the 1890s to 2000s, focusing on the links made between race and immigration in these periods, the creation of a distinction between ‘deserving’ refugees and ‘undeserving’ asylum seekers, and the criminalisation of migration. The chapter shows how anxieties and fears about immigration have shaped the emotional regimes of immigration policy and how such regimes have been constructed around attempts to identify and exclude undesirable immigrants.


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