national interests
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2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


2022 ◽  
pp. 33-47
Author(s):  
S. V. Korostelev

The purpose of this article is to eliminate methodological discrepancies in the definition of the problem of “hybrid” use of force and the possibility of using this construct when interfering in the internal affairs of states. In any conflict situation, the behavior of states in moving towards their national goals can be explained through how they do combine and synchronize (as it is often defined at the present time — «hybrid») the use of means of compellence and coercion available to them. In general, conceptually «hybrid war» can be described as “the synchronized use of multiple instruments of national power, specially selected to obtain mutually reinforcing effects on specific vulnerabilities across the entire spectrum of social processes. The substance of the modern security environment has led to an increase in the number of areas of conflict of interests of actors, the complexity and dynamism of conflicts, and the unpredictability of their outcomes. The formation of the practice of attribution of international responsibility, and the development of the international institutions supporting it, took place gradually and, ultimately, led to such a development of the international security environment, which made an appeal to «hybridity» to promote national interests in the process of political competition of social groups or individuals with divergent interests for power inevitable. The problem of terminology is one of the main obstacles to a clear understanding of the operation of the «hybridity» construct in political competition. The active use of the definition «hybrid» by propaganda in combination with the terms «war», «threats», «hostilities in the gray zone», «operations», «tactics», «competition does not turn into a state of war» political discourse, since these terms are almost never linked to the definition of the desired state of international relations by the state leadership. And if we are talking about the outcome of the collision of interests of actors in competition or conflict, then this desired result is «historically» defined by the term «victory». Thus, the definition of the substance of «victory» is a necessary initial point to onset analyzing the possibilities of turning to any of the instruments of national power in a «hybrid» confrontation.


2022 ◽  
pp. 91-106
Author(s):  
Sophio Midelashvili ◽  
Jemal Gakhokidze

The chapter deals with the problem of territorial integrity of Georgia, particularly two adjusted regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Today, 20% of Georgian territory is occupied. After the Russian-Georgian War in 2008, things changed radically to the detriment of Georgia's national interests, in particular, the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia, their recognition as independent states, and ethnic cleansing of Georgians by disregarding the fundamental principles of international law. All these are known to the international community, and it became visible to the whole world. The issues are in the field of permanent national interests of Georgia. Under such situation, it became necessary to search for new ways of conflict resolution based only upon real politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-429
Author(s):  
Khuram Shahzad ◽  
Omer Farooq Zain

ABSTRACT Pakistan is considered to below middle an income country in south Asia having a fragile and agro based economy.  Pakistan is encountering various sociopolitical, geo political, socioeconomic and socio-religious issues and challenges which are halting its national security.  . In this regard to counter above mentioned challenges of national security the pioneer defense and NSP (National Security Policy) followed soon after. In the absence of sufficient and particular literature on the subject of national security, the opening part of this research work will first highlight the overarching national interests of Pakistan secondly analysis of the current challenges which are obstructing Pakistan to achieve these national interests and identification of significant threats to national security. In the later part, a comprehensive examination of the current NSP (National Security Policy) of Pakistan and related documents will be done to answer the primary research question that whether this strategic manuscript addresses the major threats to the national security of Pakistan recognized in our research work as the fear of fundamental Islamist terrorism to the tourism industry overseas pressure and planned crime.    


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-92
Author(s):  
Goran ZENDELOVSKI

Globalization does not have the same impact on countries, it acts differently in countries with different levels of political, economic, social and technological development. Its unequal distribution by region, country or community confirms that it is a complex and deeply asymmetric process. It is confirmed by numerous theories and debates that only explained and defined the phenomenon, but paid little attention to the complexity of globalization and measuring its extent. Empirical indicators can be used to measure the differences between the national and the international in different domains. In this way, it is possible to see to what extent the countries are globalized, i.e., to see the strong influence of globalization processes on the overall state of society. That is why a large number of countries try to use the processes of globalization to promote national interests and improve their position in international relations. Therefore, the analysis of the indexes of globalization will help us to understand with which components of national power the countries dominate on the regional and global scene. The focus of the research is on the analysis of several globalization indexes that include the countries of the Western Balkan. Namely, the degree of globalization of countries is empirically analyzed through the prism of several different indicators that are constructed to measure the overall index of globalization, as well as to measure the political, economic and social dimension of globalization. The inclusion of a larger number of variables enables a more objective and accurate ranking of countries. As the results of the globalization rating of the Western Balkan countries show, it is concluded that the processes of globalization greatly contribute to strengthening and improving cooperation between countries, intensify interdependence, affect Euro-Atlantic integration processes, stimulate economic growth and improve the situation in societies. However, according to the elaborated data, these countries are still in the phase of adjustment or “maturation”, therefore, they are in the category of partially globalized countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 61-71
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Koroleva ◽  

This article explores the EU's experience in finding tax revenues without compromising economic recovery. The EU's tax policy strategy envisages a stronger role for taxes in the development of a green, digital and inclusive Europe. It is recognized as fair to increase the tax burden on "polluters", digital and financial businesses, the largest corporations in the context of a single European economic space and fair tax competition of EU countries, excluding opportunities for tax base erosion. In 2021-2027 it is planned to increase the burden through the introduction of contributions on non-recycled plastic, border carbon adjustment mechanism, digital levy, financial transaction tax, revision of the CO2 emissions trading scheme. This could significantly complicate nonresident digital, financial and foreign economic activities in the EU, as well as the EU's international relations. The reform is controversial and requires revision, taking into account international agreements and the national interests of partner countries. The set of tactical measures involves updating the norms of legislation to meet the requirements of the digital economy, increasing trust and transparency in tax relations, convenience and simplicity of tax payments, and expanding cooperation between tax authorities of EU countries. The experience and prospects of the EU tax policy are significant for Russia both in terms of implementation of the best practices and in terms of timely response to possible dangers and threats related to the ongoing tax reforms in the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (74) ◽  
pp. 52-55
Author(s):  
B. Bidova

Тhe object is a complex of public relations arising in the sphere of realization of national interests through an appropriate legal mechanism. The subject of the research are: legal norms and scientific approaches, legal categories of the theory of national interests, official documents (strategies, concepts, contracts, programs, projects, etc.) and law enforcement, including judicial, practice. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (74) ◽  
pp. 55-58
Author(s):  
B. Bidova

The analysis is based on a systematic and comprehensive theoretical and legal study of the legal provision of national interests. The study of its conceptual foundations in dialectical unity and interrelation of all aspects of this legal phenomenon is carried out. The conceptual theoretical foundations of the legal provision of national interests are defined, including the genesis, nature, concept, signs, essence and content of national interests, their classification and correlation with law, the model of legal provision of national interests is considered and characterized, including the stages of their awareness, formulation, coordination, formation and implementation by appropriate mechanisms, directions for its improvement.


Author(s):  
Ruslan Mokhnyuk

The purpose of the article is to investigate the impact of European integration processes on the development and diversity of civil society institutions in Ukraine. Methodology. The interdisciplinary approach to scientific knowledge in culturology, philosophy, political science, sociology has expanded the complex idea of ​​European integration criteria for the development of public institutions in Ukraine. The culturological method contributed to the introduction of data on the influence of civil society institutions on its development into the research structure. The method of statistical data analysis allowed us to trace the quantitative slice in the direction of increasing the institutions of civil society. The scientific novelty lies in the complexity of the approach to identifying synergies and interdependence of European integration and institutional citizenship processes in Ukraine. Conclusions. Realizing the national interests of Ukraine, the European choice opens new prospects for cooperation with the continent, promotes the development of civil society institutions, provides opportunities for economic progress, strengthens Ukraine's position in the world system of international relations, opens the way to collective structures of common security. Current trends in the development of civil society institutions in Ukraine in the context of European integration policy are: increasing the number of civil society institutions, flexibility of their response to public needs, different areas of their activities, media intensification in consolidating society, focusing on international legislation, use of grant projects; participation in international cultural practices. The scientific support of coordinated interaction of civil society with various branches of government on issues of European integration processes contributes to the improvement of the activity of civil society institutions. To do this, they use cultural, informational, consultative, dialogue, partnership tools for the implementation of European integration reforms in Ukraine. However, it is important to note that the interaction of Western states and civil society institutions is quite active and fruitful in contrast to the situation in Ukraine, where the state is interested in the development of these institutions, but they are not active enough in cooperation and positioning themselves in solving important problems, limited to the fragmentary participation in the life processes of the country. Keywords: civil society, non-governmental organizations, public institutions, European integration, cultural practices of Rivne region.


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