scholarly journals BEHEMOTH LEVANTA-SE NOVAMENTE: REFLEXÕES SOBRE O FASCISMO NO SÉCULO XXI / Behemoth rises again: reflections on 21st-Century Fascism

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 319-331
Author(s):  
Andreas Huyssen

O presente texto é adaptado de Prophets of Deceit Redivivus – palestra proferida em 8 de junho de 2019 no Museu de História Alemã em Berlim, em conferência sobre Mosse’s Europe: New Perspectives in the History of German Judaism, Fascism, and Sexuality. A conferência discutiu proximidades e diferenças entre a atual situação política nos Estados Unidos e o fascismo entreguerras, nacional socialista. O texto foi originalmente publicado em julho de 2019, em n+1 Magazine, disponível em: https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/behemoth-rises-again/.Palavras-chave: Teoria Crítica; Marxismo cultural; Fascismo; Donald Trump.AbstractThe following is adapted from “Prophets of Deceit Redivivus,” a lecture delivered on June 8 at the German Historical Museum in Berlin at a conference on “Mosse’s Europe: New Perspectives in the History of German Judaism, Fascism, and Sexuality.” The lecture addressed the parallels and differences between the current political situation in the United States and interwar fascism and National Socialism. It was originally published in July, 2019, in n+1 Magazine, available at: https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/behemoth-rises-again/.Keywords: Critical Theory; Cultural Marxism; Fascism; Donald Trump.

2022 ◽  
pp. 160-167

This chapter analyzes current development trends in automation. The chapter begins by discussing the history of automation in the 21st century, beginning with Honda's creation of ASIMO. Next, the chapter analyzes how automation gave rise to the relocating of many Western manufacturing centers to Asia, particularly those in the United States. The chapter then analyzes trends in the development of autonomous vehicles. This section includes a detailed projection of likely developments over the next several decades, such as the impact of autonomous vehicles on private vehicle ownership. The chapter concludes with a brief summary of these trends.


Author(s):  
Mary Gilmartin ◽  
Patricia Wood ◽  
Cian O'Callaghan

Questions of migration and citizenship are at the heart of global political debate with Brexit and the election of Donald Trump having ripple effects around the world. Providing new insights into the politics of migration and citizenship in the United Kingdom and the United States, this book challenges the increasingly prevalent view of migration and migrants as threats and of formal citizenship as a necessary marker of belonging. Instead the book offers an analysis of migration and citizenship in practice, as a counterpoint to simplistic discourses. It uses cutting-edge academic work on migration and citizenship to address three themes central to current debates: borders and walls, mobility and travel, and belonging. Through this analysis, a clearer picture of the roots of these politics emerges as well as of the consequences for mobility, political participation and belonging in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Christopher Parker

This chapter examines the attitudes, beliefs, and behavior of the reactionary right in the United States. It seeks to provide a better understanding of what motivates the reactionary right, and how such motivations inform the policy preferences and behavior of its constituents. However, the paucity of data restricts the analysis of the reactionary right to a fifty-year span, from the 1960s through the Tea Party. It begins with an overview of reactionary thought, including a brief history of reactionary movements through the mid-twentieth century. It then conducts an assessment of the immediate predecessor of the Tea Party: the John Birch Society. This is followed by an analysis of the contemporary reactionary movement in the United States: the Tea Party, and the movement responsible for the election of Donald Trump. The conclusion also briefly touches upon the continuities (and discontinuities) between the Tea Party and its European counterparts.


Author(s):  
Norma E. Cantú

During the first decade of the 21st century, a political movement based in Arizona sought, through legislation, to ban the use of certain books and the teaching of certain authors and concepts in high school classrooms in the Tucson Unified School District. HB 2281 was signed into law in May 2010 on the heels of one of the strictest anti-immigrant legislative acts, SB 1070. These two bills would become intertwined in the imagination of the country and would elicit protests and generate actions by activists, writers, and teachers as they wound through the legal battles that ensued. This article explores the consequences of the law and the impact both locally and nationally of such actions by focusing on two key events: The Poets Against SB 1070 and the Librotraficante project led by Houston activist Tony Díaz. Moreover, it contextualizes such a historic event within the larger history of educational disenfranchisement of Latinx in the United States.


Race & Class ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Naomi Paik

This article focuses on the histories, current challenges, and future directions of the sanctuary movement in the United States, which is becoming a central front of resistance to the administration of Donald Trump. The article is comprised of three main components. It discusses the history of the US sanctuary movement and situates it in the context of the rise of neoliberalism and its attendant escalating criminalisation, particularly since the 1980s, when the first iteration of the movement began. The article then discusses the limits of sanctuary, rooted in the movement’s liberal framework that risks reproducing the exclusions it has sought to dismantle. It nevertheless argues for the importance of sanctuary in opposing the Trump regime, while advocating that the movement adopt a more radical framework and solidarity-organising strategies inspired by the prison abolition movement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-118
Author(s):  
Michael R. Fischbach

The September 2018 decision by the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump to close the offices of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Washington and expel the PLO ambassador and his family was the latest chapter in the long and difficult history of Palestinian efforts to maintain information and diplomatic offices in the United States. From the opening of the first Arab information office in the United States in 1945, to the establishment of the first specifically Palestinian information center in 1955, to the creation of the first PLO office in 1965, the Palestinians’ twin goals of representing their people and providing information about their cause on the soil of Israel's greatest ally has been hindered by challenges and threats from a variety of sources. Indeed, the long saga of trying to maintain an official presence in the United States is a microcosm of the wider Palestinian national drama of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, replete with Zionist attacks, debilitating inter-Arab and intra-Palestinian rivalries, political ineptitude, the struggle to achieve diplomatic legitimacy, and hostility from the U.S. government and its pro-Zionist politicians.


Author(s):  
Angus Hooke ◽  
Lauren Alati

This chapter divides the economic history of humans into technological eras and uses a population multiplied by per capita income approach to estimate gross world product in each era and, therefore, for the history of humankind. It also provides an overview of the major technologies that introduced each era and supported growth during the era. The chapter uses a model developed by the authors to predict gross world product during the remainder of the 21st century (2021-2100). It also considers which economies might have been the largest in the world since the dawn of civilisation about 6,000 years ago. The chapter concludes with the prediction that China, India, and the United States will remain the dominant economic powers during the remainder of the 21st century, that the gross domestic product (GDP) of India will pass that of the United States in the late 2030s and the GDP of China in the late 2040s, and will be more than 50% larger than that of second-placed China by 2100.


Author(s):  
Kalamu Ya Salaam ◽  
Jerry W. Ward Jr.

Salaam: We might call this the Sankofa Dialogue because we are looking back in order to orient ourselves as we move forward. Approximately eight years ago, in 2008, there was a great brouhaha and hope because of the upcoming election for the US presidency. For the first time in the history of the United States, a Black man—and it’s befitting that he was truly an African American—was running for office. We don’t generally have such pivotal moments in history, either as individuals or as a people.Ward: But I would suggest that in the closing months of the second term of President Obama, we had a devastatingly pivotal moment. As we scrutinize the behavior of Donald Trump, we ought also to be concerned about what is driving people who, under other circumstances, might have hesitated to elect a clown. Those voters were so full of disgust, disappointment, and dismay that they saw Trump as the Great White Hope. Many of the voters wanted a president who might restore the bogus privileges of “white superiority.”Salaam: I concur, but I would broaden the dialog a bit. I think this historic moment, this turning point, comes at a critical moment in what defines what it means to be American. I don’t think there’s a post-Obama era as such. I think Obama was just part of this era where we are grappling with what it means to be an American now that it no longer means what it has meant from the beginning of the United States up until Obama. We’re still struggling with that. What we see right now is a repetition of what happened at the closing of, and in the immediate follow-up to, the Civil War in terms of the identity questions that were being raised.


Author(s):  
Renee Heberle

This chapter traces the history of and various meanings captured by the phrase “the personal is political” in the United States. It begins with an explanation of the use of the phrase by young civil rights activists who were struggling with the abstraction of critical theory and the authoritarian qualities of culture. The chapter tracks the phrase through into the early days of feminism in the late 1960s and early 1970s when second-wave feminists began to challenge the violence and oppressions experienced by women in the private realm. The chapter then highlights how “the personal is political” is related to the emergence of identity politics and the theorizing of difference within feminism. The conclusion offers some observations about contemporary uses and abuses of the phrase by those who identify as feminists in the popular sphere.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Astrid M. Eckert

The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.


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