Benchmarking the state of humanitarian aid and disaster relief

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 661-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amydee M. Fawcett ◽  
Stanley E. Fawcett
Author(s):  
Sara Riva ◽  
Erin Routon

Abstract This article explores the mechanisms in which, through the US family detention asylum process, neoliberal ideas of citizenship are reinforced and contested. Through ethnographic research, and using a Foucauldian lens, we take a closer look at the neoliberal processes involved within so-called family detention. Specifically, we focus on legal advocates who are helping detained women prepare for their legal interviews. This paper argues that humanitarian aid work becomes knowable through attention to microlevel details and forms of practice—on the ground and at the margins. This affords a recognition of not only areas of functional solidarity or symbiosis with the state, but also those less visible forms of contestation. We claim that while legal advocates play a role within the neoliberal regimes at work inside these centres, they also contest this system in various critical ways, ensuring both access to legal representation for all detainees and their eventual release.


Significance Many areas of the Caribbean have trade, investment and family connections with communities in Florida. As the state now plays a pivotal role in US electoral politics, crises in the region can take on added political importance for parts of Florida’s electorate. Impacts Forecasts of short-term economic recovery for Florida remain highly uncertain given the continuing impact of the pandemic. Clashing interests across the Caribbean may demand greater coordination of US policy than the government can currently offer. Healthcare and disaster relief capabilities within the state are severely overstretched and could be overwhelmed by a new crisis.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Baylouny

This chapter summarizes the argument and the practical implications of the findings on Jordan, Lebanon, and Syrian refugees for future movements toward good governance. It details the types of protest that occurred in Jordan and Lebanon and examines the differential outcomes in aid effectiveness and movements in Jordan and Lebanon, and the dynamics of humanitarian aid on state sovereignty. It also points out how the state has become more central in Lebanon and Jordan, while specific services are subcontracted. The chapter talks about the massive aid and loans that are intended to alleviate pressure on refugee-hosting states which triggered more protests while also not helping the refugees. It analyzes refugees through lenses of xenophobia, militarization, and humanitarianism that conceals refugees' and forced migrants' wider roles in catalyzing changes in state-society relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 104 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-164
Author(s):  
J J Matthews

AbstractIn the autumn of 2017, two Category 5 hurricanes caused extensive damage in the Caribbean. This resulted in the activation of two Role 2 Afloat (R2A) teams in support of Operation RUMAN, the military response to provide Humanitarian Aid and Disaster Relief (HADR) to the affected area. This paper documents the deployment of the R2A capability during Op RUMAN and outlines the main lessons identified in the delivery of HADR in the maritime environment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk

With the instrumentalisation of Islam via the state apparatuses in foreign policy, Sunni Islam has become both an instrument and a purpose of the repressive Justice and Development Party and Turkey has started to be one of the front runners of countries who are increasingly competing for using Islam as a foreign policy tool. This relatively new role of Turkey has created various diverging ideas among the host countries where Turkey is active. While some countries are rather content with Turkey’s religiously fueled policies and humanitarian aid, and define Turkey as one of the most influential actors which can use religion as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of religious soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices and instrumentalisation of religion for these. Under these circumstances, this study defines Turkey’s religious soft power as an ambivalent one and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity via exploring some country cases from Southeast Europe.


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