The party road to representation: Unequal responsiveness in party platforms

Abstract We focus on one of the most salient policy issues of our time, immigration, and evaluate whether the salience of immigration in governing parties’ manifestos translates into actual legislative activity on immigration. We contend that democratic policymakers have genuine incentives to do so. Furthermore, we argue that the country context matters for pledge fulfillment, and we find that the migration salience of governing parties’ manifestos more strongly translates into policy activity when the level of immigration restrictions is higher and when countries’ economies perform well. This research has important implications for our understanding of the relationships between economic performance, democratic representation and immigration policy making.

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Some Notes on Party Membership in Congress, I

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1950384 ◽

1949 ◽

Vol 43 (2) ◽

pp. 309-321 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Clarence A. Berdahl

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

General Problem ◽

Party System ◽

The United States ◽

Alternative Programs ◽

Party Membership ◽

Party Platforms ◽

Party Organizations

The general problem of party membership in the United States was examined to some extent in an earlier article in this Review, and out of that study certain implications could be noted with respect to the nature and operation of our two-party system. It was assumed, to begin with, that it is important in any party system “to bring together those persons, and only those persons, who adhere to the respective party principles,” and particularly important to do that in a two-party system, “where the principles and issues are presumably sharply denned and clearly distinguishable.” The extended survey of the trends in legislation and in party practice led to the conclusion that there is still need for “some better definition or understanding of what is meant by a loyal Republican and a loyal Democrat,” that the lack of such definition is at least partially responsible for the loose and irresponsible nature of the party organizations, for the mass of glittering generalities in party platforms, and for the failure to offer the voter anything like clear alternative programs. “Somehow or other, it should be possible to have a party system which would make it clear whether Wendell Willkie or Senator Nye is the better Republican, whether Franklin D. Roosevelt or Senator Wheeler is the better Democrat.”

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Research Note: Ideological Integration in Democratic Party Platforms, 1956-1980

American Review of Politics ◽

10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1990.11.0.125-136 ◽

1991 ◽

Vol 11 ◽

pp. 125-136

Author(s):

Joel Paddock

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Research Note ◽

National Standards ◽

Party Platforms ◽

American Party ◽

Selection Of

A number of scholars have noted that in recent decades the traditionally decentralized American party has been replaced by a more nationalized organization. In the Democratic party this nationalization was associated with the establishment of national standards in the selection of convention delegates, and growing issue-oriented activism. In this study, state and national Democratic party platforms between 1956 and 1980 were content analyzed to determine the extent, if any, of ideological nationalization in the Democratic party. The data show a modest movement toward intra-party integration, but give little hint of the development of a highly ideological and nationalized party.

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Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms

American Review of Politics ◽

10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.79-93 ◽

1995 ◽

Vol 16 ◽

pp. 79-93

Author(s):

Terri Susan Fine

Keyword(s):

Labor Unions ◽

Republican Party ◽

Active Role ◽

Economic Interest ◽

Economic Interests ◽

Trade Associations ◽

Group Participation ◽

Party Platforms ◽

Business Interests ◽

Equal Interest

In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.

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