scholarly journals Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
Terri Susan Fine
Keyword(s):  
Labor Unions ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Economic Interest ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Associations ◽  
Group Participation ◽  
Party Platforms ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Equal Interest

In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.

The New Economic Populism and the Future of Inequality in the United States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Income Disparities ◽  
The Face ◽  
Over Time

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.

Economic Interest and the Oversight of Violence

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Lockwood
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Interest ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Lethal Violence ◽  
Investigative Techniques ◽  
Robust System ◽  
Court Involvement ◽  
First Time

While, earlier chapters establish that the officer and investigative techniques necessary to create a monopoly of violence were in place in England by the beginning of the sixteenth century, these alone only provided the potential for the effective regulation of violence. To ensure that the state’s definitions of legitimate and illegitimate violence were rigorously enforced, oversight of the coroner system was necessary. Chapter 5, therefore, charts the rise of a new, more robust system of oversight that came into effect in the sixteenth century. The growth of oversight, it is argued, began in the 1530s as a result of competing economic interests in the outcome of coroners’ inquests and the growing popularity of the central courts as a venue for adjudication. This combination of economic interest in forfeiture and greater central court involvement in forfeiture disputes resulted in a system of surveillance which allowed central government officials unprecedented control over the coroner system and thus, for the first time, an effective monopoly of lethal violence.

The Institutions of TPP11: Back to the Future?

2019 ◽  
pp. 523-536
Author(s):  
Robert Howse
Keyword(s):  
Economic Integration ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Divide And Conquer ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
The World ◽  
The Face ◽  
Critical Account ◽  
Governance Institutions

This chapter canvasses the institutions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)—left entirely unchanged in TPP11—to assess their cumulative potential to contribute to ties of solidarity among regulatory elites and consequently foster (mega)regional integration. The promise of treaty institutions as conduits of sanguine economic integration, the narrative championed by TPP’s architects, is contrasted with a more critical account in which plurilateral institutions are seen to serve as mechanisms to advance particular economic interests in the face of opposition in the almost-universal trade governance institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). This “divide and conquer” strategy, so the argument goes, dominates in TPP’s institutions, which remain generally weak and unconnected to existing frameworks in Asia and beyond. But they also vary significantly between stronger mechanisms primarily for business interests and almost entirely aspirational efforts in more social areas such as environment, labor, and development.

scholarly journals Citizens as Complicits: Distrust in Politicians and Biased Social Dissemination of Political Information

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
TROELS BØGGILD ◽  
LENE AARØE ◽  
MICHAEL BANG PETERSEN
Keyword(s):  
Interpersonal Communication ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Psychological Research ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Group Cooperation ◽  
The Media ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
Mass Level

Widespread distrust in politicians is often attributed to the way elites portray politics to citizens: the media, competing candidates, and foreign governments are largely considered responsible for portraying politicians as self-interested actors pursuing personal electoral and economic interests. This article turns to the mass level and considers the active role of citizens in disseminating such information. We build on psychological research on human cooperation, holding that people exhibit an interpersonal transmission bias in favor of information on the self-interested, antisocial behavior of others to maintain group cooperation. We posit that this transmission bias extends to politics, causing citizens to disproportionally disseminate information on self-interested politicians through interpersonal communication and, in turn, contributes to distrust in politicians and policy disapproval. We support these predictions using novel experimental studies, allowing us to observe transmission rates and opinion effects in actual communication chains. The findings have implications for understanding and accommodating political distrust.

A Qualified Account of Supererogation: Toward a Better Conceptualization of Corporate Social Responsibility

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Tencati ◽  
Nicola Misani ◽  
Sandro Castaldo
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Corporate Philanthropy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Business Case ◽  
Moral Obligations ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Creating Shared Value ◽  
Business In Society ◽  
Corporate Social

ABSTRACTSome firms are initiating pro-stakeholder activities and policies that transcend conventional corporate social responsibility (CSR) conceptions and seem inconsistent with their business interests or economic responsibilities. These initiatives, which are neither legally nor morally obligatory, are responding to calls for a more active role of business in society and for a broader interpretation of CSR. In fact, they benefit stakeholders in a superior and an innovative way and are difficult to reconcile with commonly used rationales in the extant CSR literature, such as win-win opportunities, creating shared value, or corporate philanthropy. For better insight, we develop a qualified account of the concept of supererogation from ethical theory. This account, which examines voluntary responses to moral obligations from which a business is normally excused, is applied to identify the unique features of the initiatives that are not readily understood within conventional reasoning, which is generally focused on a business case.

Cross-border labor mobility

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caf Dowlah
Keyword(s):  
Labor Mobility ◽  
Trade Negotiations ◽  
Doha Round ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Associations ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Multilateral Trade ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Interim Measure

Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to examine convergence of economic interests – both empirically and theoretically – among labor-abundant (labor-sending) and labor scarce (labor receiving) countries, in the context of Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) of the WTO. The paper also explores regional trade associations as an interim alternative forum for promoting temporary cross-border labor mobility in the backdrop of failure of multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round. Design/methodology/approach – The research methodology of the paper involves literature review, an analysis of databases and theoretical findings, and a critical examination of pertinent empirical and secondary information on the subject matter. Findings – The findings reveal that although a convergence of economic interests seem to exist between the labor-sending and receiving countries for promoting cross-border labor mobility, this sector faces formidable trade and non-trade barriers across the world, especially in the developed countries. As multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round have failed to make any progress toward liberalization of this sector, regional trade associations, especially those pursued by the USA, Canada and Australia, seem to provide a credible alternative vehicle, as an interim measure, for further liberalization of this sector. These RTAs can serve as examples for other RTAs to promote regional mobility of labor. Research limitations/implications – Cross-border temporary labor mobility, as envisaged by GATs of the WTO, is a burgeoning field. Although some serious works are available, especially sponsored by the World Bank and some leading universities, there is a considerable dearth in this field, especially in respect to contribution from individual scholars and researchers. This paper fills the void to some extent by ascertaining factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, by pointing out limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and by exploring the regional trade associations as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility. Practical implications – This paper points out factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, ascertains crucial limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and explores the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility – all these would have practical policy implications. Originality/value – The originality of the paper lies with its critical and careful review of existing literature and available databases, with the determination of factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility in the contemporary world, in pointing out the limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and in exploring the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility.

Why Did Indian Big Business Pursue a Policy of Economic Nationalism in the Interwar Years? A New Window to an Old Debate

2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-1038 ◽  
Author(s):  
MANALI CHAKRABARTI
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Other ◽  
Economic Nationalism ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
European Business ◽  
Racial Lines

AbstractIndian big business campaigned for economically nationalistic policies during the interwar period. Existing scholarship is sharply divided as to the reason for the same. One group of scholars claim that Indian big business as a class rose above its economic interests and actively joined and even led the anti-imperial nationalist movement during the period. The other group contests the above view and proposes that Indian big business was guided by business interests while rallying for economic nationalism. Significantly the interwar period is also marked by a growing antagonism between Indian big business and European commercial class apparently on racial lines, and they held diametrically opposite positions on most issues of commercial relevance. This development is cited as evidence in support of the former view. In this paper I present data of the European business collective of Kanpur, that exhibited almost identical positions as Indian big business, on several significant economic and political issues during the interwar period. From a detailed analysis of the nature of this collective (that had interests in cotton textiles, leather and sugar, amongst others) I have tried to re-configure the debate on the character of Indian big business during the interwar period.

scholarly journals Trade Associations, Narrative and Elite Power

2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 103-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Bowman ◽  
Julie Froud ◽  
Sukhdev Johal ◽  
Karel Williams
Keyword(s):  
Opposite Direction ◽  
Cultural Economy ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Associations ◽  
The Media ◽  
Elite Communication ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Business Sectors

This article introduces and develops the concept of trade narrative to understand how business sectors defend against public disapproval and the threat of increased regulation or removed subsidy. Trade narrative works by accumulating lists of benefits and occluding costs, and is created by consultants for economic interests organized via trade associations. This represents an under-analysed ‘policy-based evidence machine’, the aim of which is to format the discourses of the media and political classes about the contribution of the sector in ways that frame political choice about what is thinkable and doable. In doing so it supports elite power by providing a relay for intra-elite communication. Using illustrations from privatized railways, banking and pharmaceuticals in the UK and US, the argument explores how the causal arrow runs in the opposite direction from that supposed in most discussion of discourse-economy relations in the field of cultural economy.

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