Rebels, Rivals, and Post-colonial State-Building: Identifying Bellicist Influences on State Extractive Capability1

2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emizet F. Kisangani ◽  
Jeffrey Pickering
Author(s):  
Jeremy Seekings

Of the African countries that initiated social assistance programmes prior to the 2000s, Botswana stands out in that its policy-making was not the result of settler or immigrant populations. Reforms in Botswana stemmed instead from the imperatives of drought relief in an agrarian society, fuelled by the ruling party’s concern first to establish the authority and legitimacy of the post-colonial state and then to ensure re-election in the face of electoral competition from opposition parties. State-building was made possible also by extraordinary economic growth. The result was a system of social assistance that covered a large part of the population but was also distinctively conservative in terms of the value of benefits, a preference for in-kind over cash transfers, and the prioritization of workfare. Botswana’s path to social assistance prefigured the path followed by many other African countries in the 2000s.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Tiffanesha Williams

The contribution of this dissertation is to show that colonial state building efforts were more successful in the long term when the state invested in education for the colonized population. This argument builds upon recent literature showing that state cooptation of indigenous populations can facilitate state building, but I go further in arguing that colonial policy was not only cooptation, but in some contexts inclusive, leading the population to be vested in and participants in the state. I develop an argument for the influence of the causal mechanism, colonial inclusivity, on contemporary state capacity in post-colonial states. Through a qualitative and quantitative investigation of this mechanism, I find that the investment in and the colonized population's access to quality education during the colonial period reaps positive gains for contemporary state capacity.


Author(s):  
إبراهيم محمد زين

الملخّص يهدف هذا البحث لبيان أن السبيل الناجح لمواجهة الإرهاب الدولي المعاصر الملتبس بدعاوي الجهاد الإسلامي وإحياء دولة الخلافة الإسلامية هو التركز على معاني الأمن الفكري والروحي في الإسلام وهذا الاتجاه في المباحثة يُعيد النظر في طرائق قضايا الجهاد ويميز بين ما هو عقائدي ومرتبط بنظام الإسلام الكلي وبين ما هو من مجال حروب الفتنة والصعلكة.  الكلمات المفتاحيّة: الجهاد، حروب الصعلكة، حروب الفتنة، الأمن الروحي والفكري.              Abstract This study focuses on the most effective way of combating global terrorism that utilizes the banner of Jihad and restoration of the Khilafa system of governance. It should be emphasized that there is a dire need for a new line of investigation concerning the issue of Jihad that pays more attention to both spiritual and intellectual security systems in Islam. This requires a distinction to be made between what is universalistic in the Islamic system and what is particular. In this regard one has to differentiate between acts of just war and those of economic or sedition wars. Keywords: Jihad, economic war, sedition war, spiritual-intellectual security system.


Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 558-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Fanthorpe

The chiefdoms of Sierra Leone are institutions of colonial origin but nevertheless continue to serve as local government units in the post-colonial state. The prevailing view among scholars is that these institutions have little basis in indigenous political culture, and have furthermore become breeding grounds of political corruption. This view has tended to elide anthropological analysis of internal chiefdom politics. However, it is argued in this article that such conclusions are premature. With reference to the Biriwa Limba chiefdom of northern Sierra Leone, it is shown that historical precedent, in many cases relating to prominent political figures of the late nineteenth century, continues to serve as a primary means of ordering local rights in land, settlement and political representation. This phenomenon is not a product of innate conservatism but emerges rather as a pragmatic response to the persistent failure of successive Sierra Leone administrations to extend modern measures of citizenship to the bulk of the rural populace. Rights and properties have become progressively localised in villages originally registered for tax collection in the early colonial era. Here one finds one of the most telling legacies of the British policy of indirect rule in post-colonial Sierra Leone.


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