WHY DON'T POOR COUNTRIES CATCH UP? A CROSS-NATIONAL TEST OF AN INSTITUTIONAL EXPLANATION

1997 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 590-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP KEEFER ◽  
STEPHEN KNACK
Social Forces ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 414-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. R. Williams ◽  
M. Timberlake

2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Shandra ◽  
Michael Restivo ◽  
Eric Shircliff ◽  
Bruce London

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 771-803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nita Rudra

Improving access to potable water has become an increasingly urgent concern for developing nations in the current era of globalization. According to standard wisdom, if developing countries undertake certain domestic reforms, such as investing in infrastructure and engineering, then safe and clean drinking water will improve. This analysis uncovers, however, that in addition to such domestic efforts, one of the greatest factors affecting water uncertainty is, in fact, internationally induced: trade. Surprisingly, both scholars and practitioners have neglected the potential impacts of expanding trade on access to potable water. This analysis is the first large- N cross-national study of water that focuses on the interplay of trade and politics—both international and domestic—as the primary driving forces behind improvements in (or constraints to) water access. The author hypothesizes that growing export pressures are constraining drinkable water in poor countries, but a particular domestic condition can mitigate this effect: the existence of lower levels of income inequality. As the socioeconomic actors disadvantaged by openness, particularly in more equal countries, seek reparations for the growing threats to potable water, the adverse affects of trade on water may be averted. Empirical evidence from 77 developing countries and case studies of Vietnam and India provide support for this hypothesis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 1045-1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes ◽  
Christopher J. Soto

The right–left dimension is ubiquitous in politics, but prior perspectives provide conflicting accounts of whether cultural and economic attitudes are typically aligned on this dimension within mass publics around the world. Using survey data from ninety-nine nations, this study finds not only that right–left attitude organization is uncommon, but that it is more common for culturally and economically right-wing attitudes to correlate negatively with each other, an attitude structure reflecting a contrast between desires for cultural and economic protection vs. freedom. This article examines where, among whom and why protection–freedom attitude organization outweighs right–left attitude organization, and discusses the implications for the psychological bases of ideology, quality of democratic representation and the rise of extreme right politics in the West.


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