Putting the “Fun” in Fundamentalism: Religious Nationalism and the Split Self at Hindutva Summer Camps in the United States

Ethos ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Marie Falcone
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312098511
Author(s):  
Samuel Stroope ◽  
Heather M. Rackin ◽  
Paul Froese

Previous research has shown that Christian nationalism is linked to nativism and immigrant animus, while religious service attendance is associated with pro-immigrant views. The findings highlight the importance of distinguishing between religious ideologies and practices when considering how religion affects politics. Using a national sample of U.S. adults, we analyze immigrant views by measuring levels of agreement or disagreement that undocumented immigrants from Mexico are “mostly dangerous criminals.” We find that Christian nationalism is inversely related to pro-immigrant views for both the religiously active and inactive. However, strongly pro-immigrant views are less likely and anti-immigrant views are more likely among strong Christian nationalists who are religiously inactive compared with strong Christian nationalists who are religiously active. These results illustrate how religious nationalism can weaken tolerance and heighten intolerance most noticeably when untethered from religious communities.


2000 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 717
Author(s):  
Robbie Lieberman ◽  
Paul C. Mishler ◽  
Judy Kaplan ◽  
Linn Shapiro

2017 ◽  
Vol 110 (8) ◽  
pp. 502-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Chang ◽  
Alan Sielaff ◽  
Stuart Bradin ◽  
Kevin Walker ◽  
Michael Ambrose ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Juergensmeyer

The rise of strident movements of religious nationalism seems to signal a resurgence of religion. But such movements can also be read as the last gasp of religiosity as it succumbs to the inevitability of secular globalization. Which is correct? Has religion revived, or is it in its death throes? Part of the issue is statistical: adherence to religion seems to be on the rise in some parts of the world (Islam in Africa, for instance), though on the decline in others (Christianity in Europe and increasingly in the United States) and under attack in China. But part of the issue is definitional: what is meant by religious adherence—social identity or metaphysical belief? Scholarly attempts to define religion are various, though an interesting new definition is provided by the late sociologist Robert Bellah, who described religion as “alternative reality.” With that definition, one can posit that religiosity is a fundamental part of the creative imagination, a constituent of culture as certain as art or music. The question then becomes not whether religion will survive, but in what way it will survive. The popular religious choice of millennials, “none,” may be consistent with the multicultural religiosity of the old Protestant liberals, a tradition now in decline. Liberal Protestants have not disappeared but have transformed into the bearers of a global morality and spiritual sensibility. Hence we may be witnessing the emergence of new forms of spirituality and ethical community that resonate with the alternative reality of traditional religious experience but that have no name and no organization. But these may become the global religion of the future.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Stroope ◽  
Heather Rackin ◽  
Paul Froese

Previous research finds that Christian nationalism is linked to nativism and immigrant animus while religious service attendance is associated with pro-immigrant views. This finding highlights the importance of distinguishing between religious ideologies and practices when considering how religion affects politics. Using a national sample of US adults, we analyze immigrant views by measuring levels of agreement or disagreement that undocumented immigrants from Mexico are “mostly dangerous criminals.” We find that Christian nationalism is inversely related to pro-immigrant views for both the religiously active and inactive. However, strongly pro-immigrant views are less likely and anti-immigrant views are more likely among strong Christian nationalists who are religiously inactive compared to strong Christian nationalists who are religiously active. These results reveal how religious nationalism can weaken tolerance and heighten intolerance most noticeably when untethered from religious communities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 79-125
Author(s):  
Jenna Supp-Montgomerie

This chapter explores the promise of social unity through networks by looking at the religious nationalism that emerged in the United States around the Atlantic telegraph. As Americans tensely watched the struggle to transmit the world’s first transatlantic telegram, a diverse community—from Protestant missionaries to civic leaders—spoke of the newly united world that electric speech would create in explicitly Christian terms. Public statements that claimed the telegraph as destined and blessed by God were not merely religious ways of speaking about the telegraph; the affective weight born by this Christian vocabulary and imagery forged the affiliation of the telegraph with dreams of global unity in particularly durable ways. This chapter examines alternative imaginaries of obsolete telegraphs (e.g., grapevine telegraph, spiritual telegraph, optical telegraph) that have lost cultural meaning to demonstrate that affect, not the technology itself, produced and sustained network imaginaries of national and global connection. The fragile cable of 1858 and the united “whole world” it was said to create point to the materiality and contingency inherent in the discursive and affective labor of forming public culture.


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