Qatar 2022 World Cup: Designing a Context-Based Decision-Making Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
Gashaw Abeza ◽  
Mads Quist Boesen ◽  
Norm O’Reilly ◽  
Jessica R. Braunstein-Minkove

The case presents a challenging decision that the new Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) President faced with the Qatar 2022 World Cup. Specifically, the issues surround the agreement that the President signed a year after his election with Qatar Airways and the allegations made against the 2022 World Cup host country, Qatar, for human rights violations and state-sponsored terrorism. Right after the allegation was made against Qatar, the President formed an advisory group to help prepare him to make a rational decision on the case. You have been appointed as the members of the advisory board that is tasked with investigating and making recommendations on the President’s challenge of keeping his campaign promises of restoring FIFA’s image and raising more money for the federation.

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahlul Pasha

ABSTRACTAfter signing the MoU between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement, a lot of interesting dynamics going on in Aceh, which is the Qanun KKR Aceh. As an independent agency, the Aceh TRC duty to disclose the truth on the alleged past human rights violations in Aceh. This paper examines the nature of the independence of Aceh TRC is based on theoretical characteristics of an independent institution. Based on the results of the study found that the Aceh TRC has a number of independent properties include: an odd number of members, the independent election commission members, the election and dismissal of members of the commission are closely regulated and has the authority to regulate themselves (self-regulated bodies). However, on the other hand also found two other things that escape is set regarding the nature of the independence of Aceh TRC is concerning institutional decision-making procedures and functions of the commission as well as regarding filling positions that are not members of the commission be gradual (staggered terms) but simultaneously. Keywords: Independency, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi Aceh. INTISARIPasca penandatanganan MoU Helsinki antara Pemerintah Indonesia dengan GerakanAceh Merdeka, banyak dinamika menarik yang terjadi di Aceh, salah satunyaadalah pengesahan Qanun KKR Aceh. Sebagai lembaga independen, KKR Aceh bertugas mengungkap kebenaran atas dugaan pelanggaran HAM berat masa lalu di Aceh. Tulisan ini berusaha mengkaji sifat independensi KKR Aceh berdasarkan ciri teroritik suatu lembaga independen. Berdasarkan hasil kajian ditemukan bahwa KKR Aceh memiliki sejumlah sifat independenmeliputi: jumlah anggota yang ganjil, proses pemilihan anggota komisi yang independen, pemilihan dan pemberhentian anggota komisi diatur jelas serta memiliki kewenangan untuk mengatur dirinya sendiri (self regulated bodies). Namun, di sisi lain juga ditemukan dua hal lain yang luput diatur berkenaan sifat independensi KKR Aceh, yaitu menyangkut prosedur pengambilan keputusan kelembagaan dan fungsi komisi serta perihal pengisian jabatan anggota komisi yang tidak dilakukan secara bertahap(staggered terms) melainkan bersamaan. Kata Kunci: Independensi, Komisi Kebenaran dan Rekonsiliasi Aceh.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (10) ◽  
pp. 2020-2042 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam R. Bell ◽  
K. Chad Clay ◽  
Carla Martinez Machain

US noninvasion troops deployed abroad often try to promote greater respect for human rights in the host country. The host country, having an incentive to retain the troop presence, may choose to comply with these requests. We argue that this effect will not be at play in states with high security salience for the United States (US) (for which the US may not be able to credibly threaten to remove the troops). In these cases, US deployments will provide the leader with security from both internal and external threats that is independent of the local population’s support for the leader. Host state leaders thus become less reliant on (and potentially less responsive to) their local populations, which in turn may lead to increased human rights violations. In this article, we use data on both US troop deployments abroad and on human rights violations to test these arguments from 1982 to 2005.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Doris Matu

Article 20 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010 states that the Bill of Rights binds all state organs and all persons. However, the extent to which natural persons and private legal persons can be held liable for human rights violations has become an issue. The courts have differed and provided mixed directions as to liability for human rights violations by private persons. Under the previous constitutional era, only decisions of public entities could be reviewed through judicial review. This article is an attempt to illustrate, with the aid of case law, the increased possibility for access to justice by the litigant in constitutional rights matters post-2010. We move from the previous era where human rights could not generally be sought against private persons to one where there is an attitude of acceptance, albeit a very cautious one, where rights can now be sought against any private persons. Also, there is hope for justice and a better society in general, if private bodies’ decisions can also be judicially reviewed. Private entities wield immense power over individuals and it is crucial to lift the veil of privacy and go to the root of the matter by evaluating their decision-making processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Connolly

Contemporary shifts in technology are celebrated for empowering human rights defenders and generating prosperity, but they also enable new forms of human rights violations. This article traces the evolving legal and regulatory challenges posed by drones across two distinct waves of debate. The first involved questions about the legality of weaponized drones in foreign airspaces. The second has centered on the domestication of the technology in American and European airspaces. This article argues that the legal gaps exposed in both waves are not an inevitable side effect of drone technology but are the result of key actors opportunistically using new capabilities to exploit existing rules or even to produce new ones—a process known as lawfare. This linkage between technology and lawfare is important because the drone debates encapsulate many of the core challenges surrounding emerging technologies such as algorithmic decision-making, autonomous vehicles, and big data. Lawfare over unpiloted aircraft is a prelude to the struggles ahead.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Clémence ◽  
Thierry Devos ◽  
Willem Doise

Social representations of human rights violations were investigated in a questionnaire study conducted in five countries (Costa Rica, France, Italy, Romania, and Switzerland) (N = 1239 young people). We were able to show that respondents organize their understanding of human rights violations in similar ways across nations. At the same time, systematic variations characterized opinions about human rights violations, and the structure of these variations was similar across national contexts. Differences in definitions of human rights violations were identified by a cluster analysis. A broader definition was related to critical attitudes toward governmental and institutional abuses of power, whereas a more restricted definition was rooted in a fatalistic conception of social reality, approval of social regulations, and greater tolerance for institutional infringements of privacy. An atypical definition was anchored either in a strong rejection of social regulations or in a strong condemnation of immoral individual actions linked with a high tolerance for governmental interference. These findings support the idea that contrasting definitions of human rights coexist and that these definitions are underpinned by a set of beliefs regarding the relationships between individuals and institutions.


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