A MULTI CULTURE PERCEPTION OF THE ENTREPRENEURIAL LIFESTYLE

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 359-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. M. BENJAMIN MARTZ ◽  
ALESSANDRO BISCACCIANTI ◽  
THOMAS C. NEIL ◽  
ROBERT J. WILLIAMS

Business schools around the world offer courses and even complete degrees emphasizing entrepreneurship. However, the perception of an entrepreneur differs across cultures. This paper presents results from a set of 900 questionnaires collected over two years in three countries: United States; United Kingdom and France. The analysis found support for the basic conjecture that the perception of entrepreneurship differs between countries; the US students perceived the entrepreneurship lifestyle as a better lifestyle than did students from the France or the UK. Historically, the area of entrepreneurship is suggested as a key factor for a successful business environment. Business schools around the world offer courses and even complete degrees emphasizing entrepreneurship. However, the perception of an entrepreneur differs across cultures. The entrepreneurial lifestyle is perceived, rewarded, acknowledged, etc. differently across cultures based upon cultural norms. This paper presents results from a set of data collected over two years in three countries: United States; United Kingdom and France. The analysis of over 900 questionnaires found support for the basic conjecture that the perception of entrepreneurship differs between countries and in the direction predicted by the TEA report; the US students perceived the entrepreneurship lifestyle better than did students from the France or the UK. The final section of the paper is highlights the cross-cultural differences found and offers some ideas on why they occur.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M McCourt

Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.


Author(s):  
Devin Cowan ◽  
Kristen M. Zgoba ◽  
Rob T. Guerette ◽  
Jill S. Levenson

Much attention has been paid to the examination of community sentiment regarding convicted sex offenders and the policy that governs these offenders’ behavior. This literature, however, has largely been absent of international comparisons of sex offender community sentiment. The current study seeks to fill this gap by drawing from the results of surveys ( n = 333) conducted in both the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). Results indicate that sex offender policy is generally supported in both the US and the UK. Contrary to our expectations, we found that participants from the UK were less tolerant of sex offenders residing in their neighborhoods than participants from the US. Additionally, there is support for the notion that sex offender policy holds a symbolic value for both study locations. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Lavan ◽  
Rob Armstrong ◽  
Karen Lipworth ◽  
Dorothy Normile ◽  
Hannah Newbury

Background: An extended duration flea and tick medication of the isoxazoline class (fluralaner) was introduced in 2014 in the United States and other countries. A survey was developed in 2016 to gauge dog owner adherence with veterinary recommendations around the administration of preventive flea and tick medications. Current fluralanerusing dog owners were also asked to compare their experience with opinions on monthly flea and tick products. Aim: To survey dog owners who were current users of fluralaner on their opinions, experiences, and attitudes around the administration of flea and tick medications to their dogs in light of current veterinarian recommendations. Methods: Dog owners in the United States (US), United Kingdom (UK), and Australia that gave fluralaner oral chews to their dogs were asked to compare their experience using fluralaner (12-week dosing) and monthly flea and tick medications. The survey responses of dog owners in the UK and Australia were compared against responses to a similar survey conducted in the US in 2017. Surveys were completed by dog owners who were in the clinic for any reason other than a sickness visit. Additionally, veterinarians that prescribed fluralaner from all three countries provided their annual flea and tick treatment recommendation for dogs. Results: A sample of veterinarians from the US, UK, and Australia that prescribe fluralaner recommend that dog owners obtain approximately 12 months of flea protection per year and 9–12 months of tick protection per year. A variable proportion of owners (22%–90%) reported that their dog participates in outdoor and social activities associated with an increased flea and tick exposure risk. A similarly variable proportion of owners reported prior experience of finding fleas (24%–50%) or ticks (18%–35%) on their dogs. All participating owners treated their dogs currently withfluralaner and most (68%–77%) had previously treated their dog with monthly flea and tick products. The convenience of 12-week dosing and less frequent dosing were the most frequently identified product qualities associated with their choice of an extended effect flea and tick treatment.Conclusion: Most veterinarians surveyed in this survey recommended year-round use of a flea and tick medication for dogs in the US, UK, and Australia. Dog owners recalled the veterinary recommendation for flea and tick prevention as 8–10 months per year. Most dog owners from the clinics in the US, UK, and Australia had used shorter-acting (monthly) flea/tick medications previously. The majority of those who currently gave fluralaner doses to their dogs were “satisfied” or “very satisfied” with the extended duration flea and tick product. Preference for a 12-week  duration medication over monthly re-treatment was also high (82%–92%) in all three countries and was associated with convenience. Keywords: Dogs, Ectoparasites, Fluralaner, Preference, Satisfaction.


Author(s):  
Douglas Dole

Grooved piping has been used on shipboard applications since the early 1920’s, first in the United Kingdom than many other parts of the world. It gained rapid acceptance in the UK for its many advantages over flange connections. In the US it was used on many Merchant and Naval vessels constructed during World War II, partly for its speed of installation, but also for its less fussy tolerance requirements with regard to pipe length and joint alignment. It has since grown to become used worldwide in many types of vessels. This paper enumerates grooved pipe joints advantages and its technical underpinnings. Paper published with permission.


2022 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
Khaled Otman

This paper focused on the concept of corporate governance based on shareholders’ and stakeholders’ perspectives and the development of corporate governance around the world, including the UK, the US, and Australia. The OECD Principles of Corporate Governance were presented, including shareholders’ rights, the equitable treatment of shareholders, disclosure and stakeholders’ rights and transparency practices, and the responsibilities of board of directors. Numerous corporate collapses have highlighted the call for the management and directors of companies to be more accountable, and they have led governments and international organisations such as the OECD to be more active in establishing principles of corporate governance. It was concluded that the system of corporate governance has increased in different countries in relation to the nature of the economy, legal systems, and cultural norms


2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Sam Middlemiss

While numerous articles have now been written on the age regulations 1 they tend to concentrate on the broad detail of the Regulations and their likely impact in the United Kingdom, whereas this article, while also involving analysis of the legal rules, concentrates on one aspect of the Regulations namely, age harassment. It will also involve consideration of the equivalent law in the United States because they have a much more mature set of legal rules dealing with this type of activity. The difficulty of making such a comparison is that the legal rules in the two jurisdictions are very different and the UK version is much more favourable than its US counterpart. Nevertheless, it is this writer’s view that identifying the various problems that have arisen in the US with implementing their age legislation in respect of age harassment over almost forty years 2 will prove instructive and valuable to those persons required to comply with the new law in the UK and offer valuable insight into the legal treatment of this issue.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (S1) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene M. Grossman ◽  
Petros C. Mavroidis

In 1993, the US Department of Commerce began to levy countervailing duties on imports of certain leaded bars from the United Kingdom. The United States applied tariffs to goods imported from British Steel Engineering Steels, a subsidiary of British Steel plc. Following investigations by the US Department of Commerce and the United States International Trade Commission, the US authorities held that the imposition of duties was both required by Section 701 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (as amended) and not in violation of any of the country’s obligations as a member of the World Trade Organization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


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