The European Union's policy on human rights and Chinese sovereignism: The case of Xinjiang

The article explores the European Union's approach to human rights issues in China through the processes of bilateral and multilateral dialogue on human rights between the EU and the People's Republic of China, on the one hand. On the other hand, the paper deals with the analysis of the EU's human rights policy in the specific case of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, which is examined through normative and political activities of the EU, its institutions and individual member states. Besides, the paper examines China's response to the European Union's human rights approaches, in general, but also when it comes to the specific case of UAR Xinjiang. ?his is done through a review of China's discourse and behaviour within the EU-China Human Rights Dialogue framework, but also at the UN level and within the framework of bilateral relations with individual member states. The paper aims to show whether and how the characteristics of the EU's general approach to human rights in China are reflected in the individual case of Xinjiang. Particular attention shall be given to the differentiation of member states in terms of their approach to human rights issues in China, which is conditioned by the discrepancy between their political values, normative interests and ideational factors, on the one hand, and material factors and economic interests, on the other. Also, the paper aims to show the important features of the different views of the European Union and the Chinese state on the very role of Human Rights Dialogue, as well as their different understandings of the concept of human rights itself. The study concluded that the characteristics of the Union's general approach to human rights in China, as well as the different perceptions of human rights issues between China and the EU, were manifested in the same way in the case of UAR Xinjiang.

The transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century

The article deals with the process of the transformation of outer space into a warfighting domain in the 21st century. During the Cold War, outer space was a place of understanding and peaceful competition between superpowers. Militarization has existed since the beginning of the Space Age, excluding the weaponization of space until the beginning of the 21st century. The absence of an international regime to prevent the weaponization of space and technological advances opens up new opportunities for states in their quest to increase power. The theoretical paradigm is a realistic perspective of international institutions as a reflection of the most powerful state?s minimum consensus on a mechanism for reducing their costs. Successfully tested anti-satellite weapons open new questions about the defense of vulnerable space installations from enemy attacks. The author's prognostic thesis refers to the new race in space weapons and the matter of time when lasers, plasma weapons, kinetic bombardment, and other types of space weapons will see the light of day. The strategic balance will remain untouched until the invention of a superior space weapon able to neutralize the existing offensive capacities of the states and erase the second strike capability appears. The author concludes that international institutions cannot limit the ambitions of states in conquering space because they do not want to give up that potential, but that a limited space war is unlikely.

Space cowboys and mankind’s devil advocates: Towards the sustainable development of space law

The commercialization of outer space has created new challenges for international law, aside from the traditional issues of demarcation and militarization. International norms that regulate space activities were adopted at a time when one could not imagine a private company being able to economically exploit space resources. The doctrine is divided between the supporters and opponents of the interpretation that allows for freedom of enterprise and ownership over space resources. The majority of states are prone to accept freedom of enterprise, limited by the interests of mankind and environmental protection. At the same time, except for states that allow for such a possibility through their internal laws, states are against ownership rights, believing that the non-appropriation principle is absolute. Economic exploitation is in accordance with the object and purpose of the Outer Space Treaty since it can undoubtedly benefit mankind. Ownership rights, however, are impossible to conceive under the existing legal framework. There is a need to reform the legal framework, if possible, through amendments to the Outer Space Treaty, although the more realistic avenue is through informal standards that would prevent the chaos of freedom to exploit outer space. The sustainable development of outer-space commercialization would, in the author?s opinion, encourage an internationally regulated economic initiative, which would not exclude freedom of access to space resources for every state.

The Jodoverse: Cosmic cloning of classical geopolitics

The paper is an attempt at geopolitical contextualization and realpolitik reading of comic works by Alejandro Jodorowsky. The focus of the analysis is on the so-called ?Jodoverse? - a segment of Jodorowsky?s opus which includes three great science-fiction sagas - ?The Incal?, ?The Saga of the Metabarons? and ?Technopriests?. These works, which can be defined as ?space operas? in terms of genre, vividly evoke a futuristic vision of one of the possible cosmic futures of humanity. This paper aims to map those motives in this fictional universe that draw inspiration from the tradition of classical geopolitics, i.e., the practice of political realism. The author?s initial assumption is that the Jodoverse is designed to function as a (popular-cultural) reflection of earthly geopolitical principles in the mirror of outer space and that, therefore, the depiction of astropolitics in the works of Jodorowsky is nothing but cloning of realpolitik in infinite space above the earth?s orbit. In order to confirm this assumption, the author will use the geopolitical and astropolitical concepts of Karl Schmidt and Everett Dolman as a key to unravelling the secrets of the Jodoverse. For that purpose, Schmidt?s concept of the nomos of the earth will be used, as well as the teaching on technological determinism which is present in the works of both theorists. By applying these concepts to Jodorowsky?s comics, the author will try to prove how the ideas of classical geopolitics have their counterparts in the cosmic phantasms of this genius of the ninth art.

Relationalism and changes in international relations: An example of the influence of algorithmic power on the structure of everyday life and the emergence of national populism

The paper points out that there is a way to comprehend the phenomenon of national populism from the perspective of the international relations discipline. Additionally, to provide an interpretation of why national populism occurred in the United States and the European Union after 2014. The emergence of national populism in the United States and the European Union countries has endangered the survival of the liberal-democratic paradox. There are numerous scientific explanations attempting to explain how this phenomenon came about. In this paper, I will reduce these explanations to cultural, economic, and political arguments and arguments about human nature and the long-term logic of modernity. The author argues that these explanations have a research gap since there is no answer to why national populism occurred in 2014 simultaneously in the EU and the United States. As a set of tools in the international relations discipline, the author finds that relationalism provides us with lenses that can open up a space to claim that the simultaneous change, embodied in the emergence of national populism, occurred due to a change in the structure of the everyday. Therefore, the paper consists of an interdisciplinary literature review of relationalism in international relations, everyday nationalism, the influence of algorithmic power and algorithmic politics on the structure of human internet presence, and the existing works that indicate the source of national populism?s emergence. By proving the claims, the author points out the importance of studying processes in order to understand the events and changes in international relations that have occurred since 2014.

The first hundred days of the Biden administration and the us foreign and security policy

The paper deals with the foreign and security policy of the United States of America during the first hundred days of the Biden administration. Ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt?s first term, the presidential performance at the beginning of the administration has been measured by the first hundred days of a president?s term. The most important intentions about what is to be achieved, the selection of the team, key appointments, and the establishment of the National Security Council System, the most important speeches, and concrete moves towards regional and functional issues, say a lot about what the foreign and security policy of an administration will look like. President Joe Biden is no exception. Moreover, his insistence that the circumstances in which the United States finds itself are a truly ?Rooseveltian moment? contributed to the first hundred days of his administration being monitored with special attention. The authors start from the hypothesis that Biden, owing to his experience in government and a good reading of the circumstances in which America and the world find themselves, established a good and functional national security system as well as a clear list of foreign policy priorities. He, like Franklin Delano Roosevelt, found the appropriate balance between values and interests, means and goals, pragmatism and principle. The authors conclude that, although the first steps are promising, it remains to be seen whether Biden will reach the highest standards set by his famous predecessor, especially in the face of some unforeseen and unexpected events.

Modeling regional cooperation in the Balkans after 1999: European experiences and their application

In this paper, the authors comparatively analyze the development of regional cooperation in Europe after the Second World War and in the Western Balkans since 1999. They compare and contrast regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (with a particular focus on the period after 2006, when the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe was transformed into the Regional Cooperation Council, and after 2014, when the Berlin Process was launched) with similar forms of cooperation in Europe, such as the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Visegrad Group, and the Benelux. Therefore, the authors approach a comparative analysis of the composition of these regional forums and their areas of cooperation with the Regional Cooperation Council, the Southeast European Cooperation Process, and the Berlin Process. In this regard, the authors state that there are more than obvious similarities between regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, primarily with the Visegrad Group, and to a significant extent with the Benelux. Regional cooperation on the Balkan Peninsula and between the Nordic countries is similar to a lesser extent, owing to the absence of the formation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western Balkans, which was overlooked in 2013. The authors conclude that there are numerous obstacles to establishin g more intensive and deeper regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, the most significant of which are the lack of a multilaterally accepted regional identity, the different interests of regional leaders regarding its "originality", the conflicted views of dominant opinions, and the predominant influences of various Western actors.

Non-Aligned Movement and nuclear disarmament in the XXI century

The subject of this paper is to investigate the policy and role of the Non- Aligned Movement (NAM) on nuclear disarmament in the 21st century. Nuclear disarmament continues to be the highest priority of the NAM, which is why it deserves a special place in the analysis of the activities of the NAM in modern international relations. However, this policy and role have been shaped in the new century as well by the adoption and expression of principled views on the necessity of nuclear disarmament, with very few results achieved, sometimes even among its own membership. Through the analysis of the content and comparison of NAM documents adopted at the NAM summits or within multilateral forums dealing with disarmament and international security issues, as well as secondary sources dealing with this topic, the author concludes that the role of non-aligned in nuclear disarmament is primarily to keep this issue high on the international agenda and as a kind of counterbalance to the demands of the nuclear powers for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. However, this role is weakened for at least six reasons: the importance that individual NAM member states attach to nuclear weapons; their refusal to accede to or fully implement universal and regional instruments of nuclear disarmament; the (mis) use of the NAM as a means of pursuing individual member states' interests for the promotion of issues that lack significant support from other member states of the Movement; the absence of any NAM measure to condemn or sanction such behaviour within the Movement, while they are constantly repeated towards other countries such as Israel and the United States; inconsistent "call out" of individual NWS for disrespect of the principles and measures for disarmament and lack of the adequate mechanisms; and the intention of the NAM to participate more actively in resolving existing crises regarding disarmament and nonproliferation.

Problems and challenges of internet governance at the international level

The activities of the United Nations, as the most important international organization, as well as the efforts of certain regional and national organizations, are discussed in this article on the subject of Internet governance. The article pays special attention to the ?internet of things,? the increasing use of which causes the emergence of new, dangerous, and serious threats, further complicating the problem of Internet governance. The stated subject of the research is directly related to the aim of the paper, which is to present and analyse the activities of various entities, international, regional and national institutions and organizations, as well as leading states, primarily the United States and Russia, and documents that attempt to regulate activities in cyberspace. The basic hypothesis is that opposing national interests prevent international bodies, particularly the United Nations, from reaching a consensus on the fundamental principles of Internet governance, resulting in insecurity in the face of increasingly frequent, diverse, and serious threats to the Internet and cyberspace in general. Based on the arguments presented in the paper, there have been numerous attempts to regulate Internet governance that have not materialized in concrete decisions implemented in national legislation and practice. Due to the growing dependence on information and communication technologies, the problem of the non-existence of regulations in this area makes the information society even more vulnerable.

International relations in the corona age: The concept of entropy revisited

The paper deals with the relation between the concept of entropy in international relations and the influence of the coronavirus pandemic upon them. In many ways, the coronavirus pandemic is an unprecedented event in contemporary history, but the corona age only confirms the already present trend of chaos and unpredictability in post-Cold War international relations, which Randall Schweller explained by the concept of entropy - the tendency of the rise in the disorder of every closed system. The goal of the paper is to consider this concept and revisit it by an assessment of how the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on international relations fits into it. Starting from Schweller?s observation that, in the past, hegemonic wars were the primary mechanism of containing entropy in the international system, along with his prediction that some natural catastrophe could have a certain impact in that direction in the future, the author departs with this research question: Could the coronavirus pandemic bring a reduction of entropy in the post-corona age, or will it only deepen the trend of entropy? Confirming the latter, the author finds the explanation for the resilience of entropy in the absence of balance of power in the contemporary international system - which is opposed to Schweller?s expectation that only hegemony can contain entropy. The conclusion is that the great powers in the post-corona age should consciously work on restoring and maintaining a balance of power if they want to make the system more resilient to some next global catastrophe.