The American Public’s Attention to Politics in Conflict and Crisis, 1880–1963

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-244
Author(s):  
Robert Urbatsch

Parental naming practices in the United States have much to reveal about public attitudes, preoccupations, and reactions to current events. Evidence from the 2011 version of the Social Security Master Death File—a database that includes nearly all of the Americans who were alive between World War II and 2011—reveals that newborns are more likely to acquire the name of a president after elections, assassination attempts, and declarations of war. Regression analysis comparing presidential names to polling data suggests that these trends reflect shifts in public approval of the president, implying that naming can provide important information about historical eras when direct measures are unavailable.

2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Rynkiewich

Abstract There was a time when mission studies benefitted from a symbiotic relationship with the social sciences. However, it appears that relationship has stagnated and now is waning. The argument is made here, in the case of cultural anthropology both in Europe and the United States, that a once mutually beneficial though sometimes strained relationship has suffered a parting of the ways in recent decades. First, the article reviews the relationships between missionaries and anthropologists before World War II when it was possible to be a ‘missionary anthropologist’ with a foot in both disciplines. In that period, the conversation went two ways with missionary anthropologists making important contributions to anthropology. Then, the article reviews some aspects of the development of the two disciplines after World War II when increasing professionalism in both disciplines and a postmodern turn in anthropology took the disciplines in different directions. Finally, the article asks whether or not the conversation, and thus the cross-fertilization, can be restarted, especially since the youngest generation of anthropologists has recognized the reality of local Christianities in their fields of study.


2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. CHRISTOPHER JESPERSEN

The frequent use of the Vietnam analogy to describe the situation in Iraq underscores the continuing relevance of Vietnam for American history. At the same time, the Vietnam analogy reinforces the tendency to see current events within the context of the past. Politicians and pundits latch onto analogies as handles for understanding the present, but in so doing, they obscure more complicated situations. The con�ict in Iraq is not Vietnam, Korea, or World War II, but this article considers all three in an effort to see how the past has shaped, and continues to affect, the world the United States now faces.


Author(s):  
John F. Longres

Ernest Frederic Witte (1904–1986) was an educator and administrator. His work in the social welfare field, particularly during World War II, was influential both in the United States and internationally. He was among the first to deal with survivors of the Nazi death camps.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 541-575
Author(s):  
Paul F. Lipold

The seven decades framed by the Great Railway Strike of 1877 and institutionalization of organized labor in the wake of World War II constituted a unique period of US labor relations, one that labor historians have identified as the most violent and bloody of any Western industrialized nation. Despite long-standing scholarly interest in the issues of labor-management conflict, however, important questions regarding the causes of extreme labor-management violence within the United States have never been adequately addressed. In this paper, I utilize a recently compiled and unique data set of American strike fatalities to statistically model the causes of extreme strike violence in the United States. The time-series evidence suggests that picket-line violence increased in association with (1) the struggle for and against unionization and (2) economic desperation associated with tightening labor markets. The results also both depict the stultifying effect of massacres and suggest that state support for labor's right to organize tended to decrease the likelihood of violence and vice versa. This paper not only thus provides fresh insights into classic questions, but also offers a basis for both transhistorical and international comparison.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 259-282
Author(s):  
James Struthers

Abstract This paper examines four factors which influenced the development of old age pensions in Canada after World War II. The legacy of Canada's original means-tested pension program, the class politics of pension bargaining between business and organized labour on both sides of the border, the policy example of Social Security in the United States, and the key importance of the insurance and investment industry lobby operating through successive Conservative governments in Ontario, are highlighted as critical factors which affected the timing and limited the scope of Canada's public pension system. The residualist design of Old Age Security in 1951 and Ontario's success in gaining a veto over reforms to the Canada Pension Plan in 1965 are singled out as a key factors behind the current vulnerability of Canadian public pensions to fiscal cutbacks compared to the Social Security in the United States.


Author(s):  
Wendy L. Wall

This chapter argues that the postwar decades were characterized less by a fixedconsensus about American political values than by widespread agreement about the needfor such a consensus. It then suggests that the roots of this consensus culture can be found in the turbulent years that preceded U.S. entry into World War II. During this period, diverse American elites worried that fascism and communism constituted a threat to the United States not only abroad but also at home. They were also concerned about the effects of disunity on democratic political culture. As a consequence, these elites came to believe that Americans needed to emphasize their shared political values in order to avoid the social unrest that had ravaged other lands, but did not always agree on the nature of those shared values.


Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 174271502096653
Author(s):  
Bert A Spector

Across the post-World War II western liberal order, antidemocratic leaders have ascended to power through the ballot box and then engaged in an assault on prodemocratic norms. Commentators have worried that counter-normative behaviors will bring into existence a “new normal,” constructing an antidemocratic regimen in which future leaders will be freed to operate beyond either long-standing or newly created democratic expectations. In this article, I explore the matter of how and when incumbent leaders establish norms for future leaders. Normative leadership is typically presented as the capacity of leaders to set norms for the social units they are heading. Less examined but vital to the understanding of how leadership is enacted is the question of how prevailing norms create opportunities and limitations on the exercise of leadership. Leaders set norms not only just for their followers but also for future leaders. With particular attention to the norm breaking of Donald Trump in the United States, I examine a pattern of norm setting, norm breaking, and norm resetting that has unfolded at the presidential level. Whatever norms Trump, or any authoritarian leaders, may break during their incumbency, the setting of new norms will rely on a network of actors: not only just future leaders but also representatives of institutions (the courts, military, press, congress, etc.) as well as voters.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (10) ◽  
pp. 920-928 ◽  
Author(s):  
Changju Lee ◽  
John S. Miller

Although the form of toll facilities has evolved, a review of how they have been used in the United States since its early colonial period suggests four conditions that appear to have influenced the likelihood of tolls being used to support construction or maintenance activities: the relative stability of revenue streams from user fees compared to the stability of revenues from a general tax; the availability of technologies to collect tolls without degrading the user’s experience; the presence of design innovations for toll facilities (compared to non-toll facilities); and the relative size of market benefits (for toll facilities) compared to societal benefits (for non-toll facilities). Even though revenue is one motivation for having a toll facility, other factors help explain why the popularity of toll facilities has risen or fallen. During the late 1800s, the network benefits of a smooth surface appealed to a large group (bicyclists) and generated a popular demand for public facilities. Yet in the early 1940s, another innovation—consistency of geometric design—spurred a market among paying customers for limited access highways. Collectively, such factors support five periods that characterize different public attitudes toward toll facilities: colonial/early federal period (from 1607 to 1775), turnpike era (from circa 1792 to 1845), toll reluctance era (from 1879 to 1939), post-World War II era (from 1939 to 1963), and renewed interest in tolling period (from circa 1976 to the present).


Author(s):  
Ellen D. Wu

This chapter examines how a a national panic over a perceived escalation in youth criminality surfaced in the early 1940s, which was triggered by the social transformations of wartime. For Chinese in the United States, the issue of juvenile delinquency became an important means through which to stipulate their race and citizenship imperatives after World War II. Chinatown leaders adopted a bifurcated strategy that reflected the ongoing tension between sameness and difference under racial liberalism. In one direction, community managers argued that juvenile delinquency was as much a problem for the Chinese as for other Americans. They stressed their right to state resources to stamp out youth crime as equal and deserving members of the polity.


Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Scaff

Max Weber, widely considered a founder of sociology and the modern social sciences, visited the United States in 1904 with his wife Marianne. The trip was a turning point in Weber's life and it played a pivotal role in shaping his ideas, yet until now virtually the only source of information about the trip was Marianne Weber's faithful, but not always reliable, 1926 biography of her husband. The book carefully reconstructs this important episode in Weber's career, and shows how the subsequent critical reception of Weber's work was as American a story as the trip itself. The book provides new details about Weber's visit to the United States—what he did, what he saw, whom he met and why, and how these experiences profoundly influenced Weber's thought on immigration, capitalism, science and culture, Romanticism, race, diversity, Protestantism, and modernity. It traces Weber's impact on the development of the social sciences in the United States following his death in 1920, examining how Weber's ideas were interpreted, translated, and disseminated by American scholars such as Talcott Parsons and Frank Knight, and how the Weberian canon, codified in America, was reintroduced into Europe after World War II.


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