philippine-human-rights-update-wife-of-cancerstricken-political-prisoner-appeals-for-pnoys-executive-clemency

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Executive Clemency

The Abuse of Executive Prerogative: a Purposive Difference Between Detention in Black Africa and Detention in White Racist Africa

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
Eddison Jonas Mudadirwa Zvobgo
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Board Member ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Ivory Tower ◽  
The West ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
Maximum Security ◽  
Black Africa ◽  
Maximum Security Prison

As a lawyer, a law-teacher, a Board-member of Amnesty International (U.S.A.) and, more importantly, as an African revolutionary, matters of human rights are of grave concern to me. With racism and fascism gaining ground in the West, reactionary bourgeois chauvinism on the rampage in many of the newly liberated states in Africa, the Middle East and Asia, and statist revisionist tyranny masquerading as revolutionary socialism in some of the socialist countries, few can afford ivory-tower debates involving human rights. Certainly I cannot, having spent seven years in Salisbury Maximum Security Prison as Ian Smith’s political prisoner.

Mammadov v. Azerbaijan (Eur. Ct. H.R.)

2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-88
Author(s):  
Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Body ◽  
European Convention ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Criminal Conviction ◽  
Definitive Answer ◽  
European Court

The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR, or the Court) in Mammadov v. Azerbaijan was the first “infringement procedure” judgment pursuant to Article 46(4) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR, or the Convention). This procedure was introduced to the Convention by Protocol 14, which entered into force in 2010. The idea behind it was that the Committee of Ministers—the body of the Council of Europe that supervises the execution of judgments of the ECtHR—could return the case to the Court to confirm that the responded state had failed to enforce it. Although there are quite a few instances of non-execution, this procedure has not been in use because it is difficult to initiate and its results are uncertain. The Mammadov judgment was a test of the effectiveness of infringement procedures, but it failed to provide a definitive answer as to whether such procedures were effective in terms of state implementation of ECtHR judgments. The applicant in this case was a political prisoner and the Committee of Ministers fruitlessly tried for a number of years to force Azerbaijan to release him. Soon after the Article 46(4) request reached the Court, the Azerbaijani authorities conditionally released the applicant. That said, all other negative consequences of his criminal conviction, such as an inability to run for election, have yet to be removed, so the judgment has not been implemented in full.

scholarly journals WHERE HAVE ALL THE REVOLUTIONARIES GONE? HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE REINVENTION OF REVOLUTION IN REBIYA KADEER’S DRAGON FIGHTER

eTopia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharine Lu
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Departure Point ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
Rights Discourse ◽  
Human Rights Discourse ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Unique Vantage

For five and half years, Rebiya Kadeer was imprisoned as a political prisoner in China and was finally released in 2005 after Amnesty International campaigned for her release. Today, she now campaigns as a human rights activist against what many Uyghurs consider Chinese occupation of their homeland, Xinjiang. Although many organizationswork on human rights violations against the Uyghurs, Rebiya Kadeer has emerged as the primary symbol of Uyghur resistance in China, much like the Dalai Lama for Tibet.Her simultaneous position as both a human rights activist and resistance symbol offers a unique vantage point in exploring the relationship between memory, women, and nationalism. In sketching out these connections, this paper will analyze the agency and representation in the process of memory making and the gendering of resistance in relation to the life and memoir of Rebiya Kadeer. The political project of witnessing through representation offers a practical departure point for better understanding the formation of a feminine revolutionary subjectivity in contrast to the romanticized icon of the masculine, revolutionary hero. In proposing the relationship between memory, women and nationalism, this paper aims to ultimately understand whether the revolutionary subject has in effect become the human rights activist. And if this is the case, what then are the conditions for revolution, and is revolution possible within the logic of human rights discourse?

scholarly journals Interview

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 8-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lev Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Highly Qualified ◽  
Portable Computer ◽  
The Press ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One

The editor of the independent journal Referendum explains the role of his publication, and why the authorities are softer on him than they were. ‘On the one hand there are still several hundred political prisoners. On the other hand those of us who have been released are at present able to operate relatively freely.’ In February 1987 Lev Timofeev was prematurely released from camp as a result of a government decree, under which a large number of political prisoners were amnestied. Together with Sergei Grigoryants, another ex-political prisoner, he set up the unofficial bulletin Glasnost last summer. Grigoryants now edits Glasnost, while Timofeev has started his own journal, Referendum. He also leads the independent ‘Press Club Glasnost’, which organised an unofficial conference on human rights in December 1987. The Press Club is planning to set up a form of open university, using a number of highly-qualified ex-political prisoners as teachers. I interviewed Lev Timofeev in Moscow in January. As we talked in his study, a neat portable computer - which had come from abroad but quickly learned to speak fluent Russian - was printing out the fourth issue of Referendum. S.L.

Interview

1988 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 11-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mykola Rudenko
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
The West ◽  
Amnesty International ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Human Rights Movement ◽  
Monitoring Group ◽  
Andrei Sakharov ◽  
Major General

At the end of last year, the Ukrainian writer, prominent human rights activist and political prisoner, Mykola Rudenko, was freed and allowed to leave the Soviet Union. A decorated war veteran who suffered a serious spinal wound at the siege of Leningrad, Rudenko enjoyed a successful career as writer, poet and playwright, and had over 20 books published. That was before he became a friend of Andrei Sakharov and Major-General Petro Hryhorenko (or, Grigorenko) in the early 1970s and joined the Soviet human rights movement. Although harassed, arrested and briefly detained in a mental hospital for becoming a member of the Soviet branch of Amnesty International, Rudenko went on to found the Ukrainian Helsinki monitoring group in November 1976. The following year he was arrested and given a twelve-year sentence of camps and internal exile. In 1980, his wife Raisa was also punished by a ten-year term for campaigning for his release. Shortly after his arrival in the West, Rudenko was interviewed for Index by Bohdan Nahaylo.

scholarly journals Who Is a Political Prisoner?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Valentin Steinert
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Human Rights Abuse ◽  
Explicit Criteria

Abstract Who is a political prisoner? The classification of inmates as political prisoners has important real-world implications such as deciding over accession to international organizations or triggering international advocacy. However, the concept is ambiguously used in academic studies referring to both theoretically and empirically distinct groups of individuals. Building on a systematic review of the academic literature, I identify that definitions of political prisoners differ primarily with regard to (1) the source of politicization, (2) the timing of politicization, (3) the question of nonviolence, (4) the inclusion of identity prisoners, and (5) the criteria for biased state actions. In order to establish political prisoners as analytically consistent concept, I suggest to reserve it for victims of politically biased trials while remaining agnostic toward prisoners’ political motivations. I introduce explicit criteria grounded in international law to identify politically biased trials in practice. The new conceptualization allows to disentangle political imprisonments from other types of illegitimate and non-illegitimate imprisonments. A disaggregation of the concept further highlights that only a subset of political prisoners is entitled to demands for unconditional releases. Taken together, this article sheds light to the underlying meanings of different actors’ claims about political imprisonments and contributes to the systematic study of this type of human rights abuse.

Human Rights and Law

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramesh Kumar Tiwari
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights
Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document