Language Policy in Public Compulsory Education Systems: Multiculturalism and National Identity in the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Alessandra Ferrer
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Education Policy ◽  
Compulsory Education ◽  
Language Education ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Language Education Policy ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic

Abstract In 2018 the government of the Republic of China (roc) on Taiwan elevated certain Chinese languages, Taiwanese Indigenous languages, and Taiwan Sign Language to the status of national languages, seemingly marking the latest stage in an evolution of language education policy away from the long-standing focus on Mandarin. This paper analyses this evolution by comparing approaches to language education policy in contemporary Taiwan with those in the People’s Republic of China (prc). It focuses on how notions of multiculturalism, deployed to legitimate policy, have taken on different meanings in these divergent political contexts. I argue that in both the prc and Taiwan, multiculturalism primarily signifies symbolic recognition of minority and non-dominant languages, involving limited redistribution of power. The continued centrality of Mandarin reflects the powerful legacy in both the roc and the prc of discourses of national identity centred around Han Chineseness, despite significant differences in the deployment of multicultural rhetoric.

Taiwan’s “Protect the Diaoyutai” Movement

2020 ◽  
pp. 128-155
Author(s):  
Alexander Bukh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Identity ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Critical Junctures ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic

Located in the nexus of two critical junctures-the “long 1960s” in the US United States and the collapse of nationalist mythology of the Kuomintang government-the Taiwanese movement for the protection of the Diaoyutai iIslands promoted a new narrative on Chinese national identity. The symbolism ascribed to the disputed islands was rather diverse, but the dominant, left-leaning part of the movement used the disputed islands to reproduce the Kuomintang- created narrative on national humiliation, while replacing the Republic of China with the People’s Republic of China as the center of Chinese national subjectivity. In post-democratization Taiwan, this narrative gained a new political meaning, becoming an integral part of the legitimation strategy deployed by pro-unification political forces.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

The Cold War Comes to Chinatown

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredy González
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Cold War

As the Cold War dragged on and the Republic of China failed to effect its reconquest of mainland China, not all Chinese Mexicans continued to support the Republic of China. Some defected to support the People’s Republic of China, or openly traveled to mainland China or expressed their reservations about the ROC. For this, they were exposed as subversives and surveilled by the ROC, Mexican, and US governments. This chapter illustrates how transnational causes could have local repercussions, as some Chinese Mexicans began to chafe under their relationship with the ROC.

The Golden Age of Chinese Mexicans

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredy González
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Positive Image ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic

The Chinese Civil War and the advent of the People’s Republic of China represented a profound challenge to the international legitimacy of the Republic of China, now on Taiwan. This chapter chronicles the efforts by ROC ambassador Feng-shan Ho to cultivate a relationship with Chinese Mexicans to present a positive image of the ROC and encourage the Mexican government to maintain diplomatic relations. This especially took place during the annual pilgrimage to the Basílica de Guadalupe and the Chinese Mexican response to the 1963 Economic and Commercial Exposition of the People’s Republic of China. Chinese Mexicans, far from being tools of the Republic of China, used such instances of public diplomacy to enhance their own image.

scholarly journals Whither Taiwan: Ilha Formosa or Ilha Devastada?

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Dunn ◽  
Joshua D. Jensen
Keyword(s):  
East Coast ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Fully Integrated ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Independent Country ◽  
Two Alternatives

Taiwan, formerly known as ilha Formosa (the beautiful island), and officially known today as the Republic of China, is an island situated approximately 250 kilometers off the east coast of China. The Republic of China has a population of 23.5 million and boasts the largest economy of any non-member of the United Nations. The People’s Republic of China has continued to claim sovereignty over Taiwan, and refuses to engage in diplomatic relations with any nation that recognizes the Republic of China. United States policy toward Taiwan has been tentative and ambiguous, with inconsistent messages among various presidential administrations over the years. The question before the Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China, and indeed, the entire world, is whether the Republic of China should become an independent country, become a fully integrated part of the People’s Republic of China and come under the jurisdiction of Beijing, or continue to walk a middle road between these two alternatives. The authors propose that a date certain be set for reunification of Taiwan and China, and work begin to bring about an amenable resolution.

General Assembly

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-188 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Plenary Meeting ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The fourteenth session of the General Assembly met at UN Headquarters from September 15 through December 12, 1959, when it was adjourned. At the opening plenary meeting Mr. Victor Belaunde (Peru) was elected President of the session, having obtained 81 votes out of a possible 82. At its 803d plenary meeting, the Assembly adopted by a vote of 44 to 29, with 9 abstentions, the recommendation contained in the report of the General Committee that the Assembly reject the request of India for the inclusion in its agenda of the question of the representation of China in the UN and decided not to consider at its fourteenth session any proposal to exclude the representatives of the government of the Republic of China or to seat representatives of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China.

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