Immigration and Asylum Law and Policy of the European Union

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kay Hailbronner
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Hannah R. Garry

From 1986 to the present, there has been a dramatic increase in the numbers of asylum applications within the borders of the European Union largely from Eastern European countries and former colonies in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Reacting to the influxes of the 1980s, European States began to implement and coordinate policies to control entry of asylum seekers. Within this climate, the EU has moved towards harmonisation of asylum policy and procedure as necessary for its pursuit of an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ without internal borders for the purpose of greater economic and political integration. In light of the current restrictive attitudes and practice towards asylum seekers in the individual Member States of the EU, the harmonisation of asylum policy through the institutions and law of the EU may prove to be problematic from a human rights perspective. This paper first traces the development of a common asylum policy within the EU through the Maastricht Treaty and the Amsterdam Treaty. Second, this paper analyses the implications of harmonisation after the Amsterdam Treaty with reference to the international obligations of the Member States under international human rights and refugee law. Third, this paper critiques the development of various current asylum policies and practice through intergovernmental development of ‘soft law’. Through this overview and analysis, it is argued that further steps towards harmonisation will continue to reflect European concerns with security, economic prosperity, and cultural homogeneity unless the moves towards supranationalism within the EU framework lead to a deliberate effort to make respect for human rights the core of asylum law and policy.


1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-87 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThis article considers the underlying structure of Community law on migration. It examines the fundamental elements of the Community legal order as they apply to immigration and how those elements have been used to regulate the position of third country nationals. It then looks at the inter-governmental approach to immigration and asylum policy which the Member States have pursued and poses some questions about how these two strands of law and policy meet within the new competences of the Community in respect of immigration and asylum.


2020 ◽  
pp. 557-579
Author(s):  
Marios Costa ◽  
Steve Peers

This chapter examines the European Union (EU) home affairs law and policy, known in EU law as ‘the area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ)’. It discusses the provisions of EU law on immigration and asylum (refugees and subsidiary protection) regulating the entry and residence of non-EU citizens, distinguishing between legal and unauthorised entry (controls at the border and expulsion and detention of irregular migrants), and the protection given to third -country nationals by a range of legislative measures. It also introduces the legal framework for the EU’s criminal justice policies, including the link between substantive criminal law and other EU policies.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Bendel

Immigration and asylum policies in the European Union have entered into a new period. The author sums up the most important achievements and failures of the EU's efforts to create a common European asylum and immigration system, and she evaluates the new Hague Programme of the European Council (November 2004) in the light of the hitherto existing policies. She concludes that the European Council's new programme lags behind the more promising guidelines of its predecessor of Tampere.


Author(s):  
Silvia Concha Horrillo

ABSTRACTIn matters regarding asylum and refuge, Spain maintains very low levels of applications and concessions compared to nearby States despite incorporating a reason, in my understanding a particularly transcendental reason for many people´s lives, such as protection for gender reasons. However, the social critical mass does not see these numbers, in general terms, as inappropriate and in turn, they allow the State to meet commitments on this issue. So, I am considering the possibility that Spain is using pity and risk policies to manipulate the notions of dignity and justice that society holds on this issue, to be able to meet targets required at all levels and soothe our conscience for what is done in terms of migration. Therefore, regarding what corresponds to refugees in terms of justice and despite it being clear that the asylum law does not always use stereotypes, nor are applications denied because of them, on many occasions people´s voices have been silenced when they apply for international protection so as not to be framed within the policy of a refugee established by Spain, the European Union and more widely the Western imaginary.RESUMENEn materia de asilo y refugio, España mantiene unos niveles muy bajos de solicitudes y concesiones en comparación con los Estados vecinos, a pesar de la incorporación de una razón particularmente trascendental a mi entender para la vida de muchas personas, como es la protección por razones de género. Sin embargo, la masa social crítica no percibe estas cifras, en términos generales, como inapropiadas y, a su vez, permiten al Estado a cumplir con los compromisos en esta materia. Por lo tanto, consideramos la posibilidad de que España está aplicando políticas de riesgo y de lástima para manipular las nociones de dignidad y justicia que la sociedad tiene sobre este tema, para poder alcanzar las metas requeridas en todos los niveles y calmar nuestra conciencia de lo que se hace respecto a la migración. Por lo tanto, respecto a lo que corresponde a los refugiados en términos de justicia, y a pesar de ser evidente que la ley de asilo no siempre utiliza estereotipos, ni niega las solicitudes por causa de ellos, en muchas ocasiones las voces de la gente han sido silenciadas cuando solicitan protección internacional que no se enmarca dentro de la política de refugiados establecida por España, la Unión Europea y, más ampliamente, el imaginario occidental.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Luca Roncati ◽  
Monica Roncati

Abstract Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is the most dramatic pandemic of the new millennium, and extraordinary measures concerning with health, law and policy are required around the world. One of these is without doubts the “green pass”, officially known in the European Union (EU) as EU Digital COVID Certificate (EUDCC). Initially conceived as a tool for overcoming the lockdown restrictions, it has unexpectedly turned into a means of discrimination between pass holders and non-holders, thus increasing social tension at the expense of solidarity and brotherhood. Here, we analyze in depth the dark sides of the “green pass” in the light of the European and international legislation and of the ongoing pandemic scenario.


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