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1982 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 154-154
1995 ◽  
Vol 40 (9) ◽  
pp. 879-880
Author(s):  
David O. Sears

Author(s):  
Aleksey E. Shishkin

Relevance. The market-imposed system of consumerism overstepped the boundaries of bifurcation and entered into “legitimate rights” to abolish the living traditional world, thereby disturbing the balance in society and thereby signed the death sentence to itself. The problem of research. Exploring the possibilities of social reloading from consumerism to communitarianism to restore the balance of power in society. Scientific novelty and research results. Our novelty of research lies in the application of scientific tools to analyze a possible reload. We used the complementarity principle of N. Bohr, the principle of spontaneous emergence of I. Prigogine, the principle of incompatibility L. Zade, the principle of managing uncertainties, the principle of ignorance of individual opinions and collective ideas, the principle of conformity, the principle of diversity of development of a complex system, the principle of unity and mutual transitions, the principle oscillatory (pulsating) evolution – showed instability in the management of society by mondialist-compradors and a possible countdown of the transition from the sensual age to the ideation nnuyu, and in our case – from consumerism to communitarianism. The main purpose of the work. From the apparent modern triumph of consumerism over communitarianism, we are not interested in a fact-problem, but in the idea of transforming reality that can stop the process of obscuration. Discussion and Conclusion. In the Middle Ages, during the construction of the project “Holy Russia”, communities were created according to the principle of “big”. Around the devotee of piety, voluntary monastic settlements were created, which grew into suburbs. Of these, the ascetic-hesychast stood out, who went into the forest and chopped down a new temple. To the righteous people flocked, yearning for a just life. This is how a new community was created. There was a new prayer book and then the big man blessed him to organize other settlements. The state should be interested in finding new forms of solutions for educational, economic, technical, cultural and food programs, therefore the initiative of communitarianists should not be punished, but supported. Today, foreign investors are becoming owners of not only factories, but even entire branches of domestic industry and are able to significantly influence domestic politics in our country. The growing number of immigrants as a destabilizing factor is becoming increasingly important. In such a situation, the fate of the country depends on the ability of the people to a new unification. It is necessary to unite on the basis of religious and cultural traditions on the principle of professional fraternities; if only there would be more centers of spiritual culture, but not by the principle of quantity, as is always the case with officials, but by the qualitative qualification of the “big man” as a center of creative and integrative power. From the foregoing, the idea of building ideational (communitarian) cohorts is born, which, through their ascetic life and creative work, should set a new vector for historical development (“salt”) consumer society.


Author(s):  
Mark Golub

This concluding chapter considers the implications of the book’s central claims: that constitutional law marks a contested site of racial formation, that color-blind constitutionalism represents an assertion of white racial interest and identity, and that the peculiar form of racial consciousness it enacts renders the pursuit of racial equality a violation of white rights. Taking up the question of political possibility within a legal system constituted by racial domination, the chapter suggests that racial equality may not be achievable within the current American constitutional order. It calls for a rethinking of American law and politics from the premise that racial equality will require a more fundamental transformation than these constraints would permit, and points toward an explicitly antiredemptive political vision upon which a more authentic racial democracy might be founded.


Author(s):  
Andrew Valls

American society continues to be characterized by deep racial inequality that is a legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. What does justice demand in response? In this book, Andrew Valls argues that justice demands quite a lot—the United States has yet to fully reckon with its racial past, or to confront its ongoing legacies. Valls argues that liberal values and principles have far-reaching implications in the context of the deep injustices along racial lines in American society. In successive chapters, the book takes on such controversial issues as reparations, memorialization, the fate of black institutions and communities, affirmative action, residential segregation, the relation between racial inequality and the criminal justice system, and the intersection of race and public schools. In all of these contexts, Valls argues that liberal values of liberty and equality require profound changes in public policy and institutional arrangements in order to advance the cause of racial equality. Racial inequality will not go away on its own, Valls argues, and past and present injustices create an obligation to address it. But we must rethink some of the fundamental assumptions that shape mainstream approaches to the problem, particularly those that rely on integration as the primary route to racial equality.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Zoltán I. Búzás

Abstract Formal racial equality is a key aspect of the current Liberal International Order (LIO). It is subject to two main challenges: resurgent racial nationalism and substantive racial inequality. Combining work in International Relations with interdisciplinary studies on race, I submit that these challenges are the latest iteration of struggles between two transnational coalitions over the LIO's central racial provisions, which I call racial diversity regimes (RDRs). The traditional coalition has historically favored RDRs based on racial inequality and racial nationalism. The transformative coalition has favored RDRs based on racial equality and nonracial nationalism. I illustrate the argument by tracing the development of the liberal order's RDR as a function of intercoalitional struggles from one based on racial nationalism and inequality in 1919 to the current regime based on nonracial nationalism and limited equality. Today, racial nationalists belong to the traditional coalition and critics of racial inequality are part of the transformative coalition. The stakes of their struggles are high because they will determine whether we will live in a more racist or a more antiracist world. This article articulates a comprehensive framework that places race at the heart of the liberal order, offers the novel concept of “embedded racism” to capture how sovereignty shields domestic racism from foreign interference, and proposes an agenda for mainstream International Relations that takes race seriously.


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