Book Review: John L. S. Girling, America and the Third World: revolution and intervention (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980, pp. xi + 276, £10.50). Mary Kaldor and Asbjorn Eide (eds.), The World Military Order: the impact of military technology on the Third World (London: Macmillan, 1979, pp. vii + 274, £15.00)

1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-258
Author(s):  
Michael Smith
2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 10-17
Author(s):  
Abdul Rashid ◽  
Sarwat Jabeen ◽  
Samia Naz

The incident of 9/11 opened up new challenges for the Americans and people of the world. As the terrorists were men, the incident of 9/11 was generally seen as a masculine event thus erasing the traumatic sufferings of women. The present paper is aimed to trace the impact of Western culturally constructed trauma against the third world women. The major theoretical insights have been taken from Kaplan (2003)s Feminist Futures: Trauma, the Post-9/11 World and a Fourth Feminism. The analyzed data reveals that the identity of Asma Anwar as representative of third world women remains unstable. She has been represented as an object of no significance in the American society. We see that Asma Anwar as a woman of the third world had to bear the burden of history as well as her body


1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-46

Today the world is in crisis. The impact of this crisis on the countries and people of the Third World has been very severe. In this context, Africa is the most affected continent as this economic crisis is aggravated by natural disasters such as drought in many parts of the continent. However, the major problems faced by Africa are external domination and the misplaced priorities of existing development strategies resulting in internal mismanagement. We note the disproportionate bias of the national budget in favor of military expenditure at the expense of basic human needs and services. Past experience has shown that the total emancipation of women and their full participation in the governance of their societies depend largely on the socio-economic and political conditions in which they live.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 2789-2800
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Davi Almeida

O artigo estuda as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo entre 1947 e 1979. Além disso, e a partir delas, enseja reflexões e/ou debates sobre o papel do intelectual na sociedade à luz do conhecimento histórico. As posições políticas de Sartre sobre o Terceiro Mundo constituem, portanto, o objeto deste trabalho cujo problema é a liberdade. Sob o “impacto da História”, isto é, no curso dos acontecimentos do Terceiro Mundo – da Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), da Revolução Cubana (1959-1961) e da Revolução Vietnamita (1946-1976) – Sartre elabora uma nova concepção de liberdade que contradiz sua concepção existencialista anterior. Se a liberdade na concepção existencialista tem uma base teórico-filosófica, situada no plano da ontologia, ou seja, abstrata e individual, sua nova concepção de liberdade tem uma base político-econômica, situada no plano da história, logo, concreta e coletiva. Em outras palavras, Sartre redefine a sua concepção de liberdade à luz de determinados problemas colocados pela emergência do Terceiro Mundo no cenário político mundial. Sob a ótica do marxismo e do método dialético, Sartre procura redefini-la em seus aspectos econômico (como independência), social (como justiça e igualdade), político (como soberania) e cultural (como humanização, em oposição à tortura e ao racismo). O referencial teórico-metodológico provém do marxismo, particularmente, suas contribuições acerca das relações entre indivíduo, sociedade e história. Os principais textos utilizados são os de Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand e Perry Anderson. Esse referencial nos permite pensar a trajetória de Sartre como uma unidade contraditória e as suas posições políticas sobre o Terceiro Mundo tendo em vista o seu fundamento histórico-social. Sartre radicaliza suas ideias e passa a defender o socialismo; intervém contra as guerras coloniais com a assinatura de manifestos, petições, passeatas e comícios populares; divulga as conquistas revolucionárias argelina, cubana e vietnamita ao público mundial, sobretudo, por meio da revista Les Temps Modernes; propõe a criação de um tribunal internacional para julgar os crimes de guerra norte-americanos contra a população vietnamita. Nessa esteira, devemos entender a afirmação de Sartre o “homem é possível” que contradiz a sua máxima ontológica o “homem é uma paixão inútil”. Enfim, para Sartre, o “problema humano” – a liberdade – somente pode ser resolvido em termos de produção e de relações sociais de produção de tipo socialista.   The article studies the political positions of Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) related to the Third World between 1947 and 1979. In addition, and based on them, it encourages reflections and/or debates about the role of the intellectual in society in the light of historical knowledge. Sartre's political positions on the Third World constitute, therefore, the object of this work whose problem is freedom. Under the "impact of history," that is, in the course of Third World events - from the Algerian War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959-1961), and the Vietnamese Revolution (1946-1976) - Sartre elaborates a new conception of freedom that contradicts his previous existentialist conception. If freedom in the existentialist conception has a theoretical-philosophical basis, situated on the level of ontology, that is, abstract and individual, his new conception of freedom has a political-economic basis, situated on the level of history, therefore, concrete and collective. In other words, Sartre redefines his conception of freedom in light of certain problems posed by the emergence of the Third World on the world political scene. From the standpoint of Marxism and the dialectical method, Sartre seeks to redefine freedom in its economic (as independence), social (as justice and equality), political (as sovereignty), and cultural (as humanization, in opposition to torture and racism) aspects. The theoretical and methodological framework comes from Marxism, particularly its contributions on the relationship between the individual, society, and history. The main texts used are those by Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand, and Perry Anderson. This reference allows us to think of Sartre's trajectory as a contradictory unit and his political positions on the Third World in view of its social-historical foundation. Sartre radicalizes his ideas and starts to defend socialism; he intervenes against colonial wars by signing manifestos, petitions, marches, and popular rallies; he publicizes the Algerian, Cuban, and Vietnamese revolutionary conquests to the world public, especially through the magazine Les Temps Modernes; he proposes the creation of an international tribunal to judge American war crimes against the Vietnamese population. In this vein, we must understand Sartre's statement that "man is possible" which contradicts his ontological maxim that "man is a useless passion. Finally, for Sartre, the "human problem" - freedom - can only be solved in terms of production and social relations of production of a socialist type.


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