Impact of organizational vitality on Black voter turnout in the South

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenny J Whitby
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
The South ◽  
Black Voter

Political Cynicism, Public Interest Blackballing and Voter Turnout: The Case of South Korea's 2000 National Assembly Elections

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUNWOONG KIM ◽  
KISUK CHO
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Negative Information ◽  
Regression Analyses ◽  
The South ◽  
Aggregated Data ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Cynicism

In the South Korea's 16th National Assembly (NA) elections held on 13 April 2000, there was widespread speculation that the Citizens Alliance's (CA's) public interest blackballing campaign against ‘unfit’ candidates increased voter cynicism and decreased voter turnout, as it was the lowest ever for NA elections. We empirically evaluate this speculation by conducting logit analyses of individual voter survey data as well as regression analyses on district-wide aggregated data on turnout. Although we find that cynical voters are likely to be more sympathetic to CA's blackballing campaign, we do not find any evidence that the campaign decreases voter turnout. These findings are consistent with Kahn and Kenny (1999) who argue that voters respond well to the negative information if it is presented in an appropriate manner.

scholarly journals Runoff Voters Will Do the Darndest Things: An Analysis of the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate Runoff

2012 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Scott E. Buchanan
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Black Candidate ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
Rural Counties ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Black Populations ◽  
Southern Georgia ◽  
Black Voters ◽  
Levels Of Support

Testing the frontrunner loses myth and minority loses myth, this paper examines the 2008 Georgia Democratic Senate runoff between Vernon Jones and Jim Martin. Despite winning 40 per-cent of the primary vote, Jones lost in the runoff to Jim Martin. Methods: We use a variety of data to determine what factors were having the greatest effect on the election. Results: Vernon Jones's strongest support came from the rural counties of central and southern Georgia. While Jones did win high levels of support in counties with large black populations, the fact that Jones was not performing as well in counties in metro Atlanta highlights that controversies surrounding Jones may have been playing a larger role than race. Conclusions: The lack of black voter turnout in the runoff illustrates the problems that even a black candidate has in motivating black voters to return for the runoff.

Winning the Race: Black Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election

2009 ◽  
Vol 73 (5) ◽  
pp. 995-1022 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. S. Philpot ◽  
D. R. Shaw ◽  
E. B. McGowen
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
2008 Presidential Election ◽  
Black Voter

Partisan Effects of Voter Turnout in Senatorial and Gubernatorial Elections

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 780-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack H. Nagel ◽  
John E. McNulty
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Conventional Theory ◽  
The South ◽  
Gubernatorial Elections ◽  
Complex Patterns

Conventional wisdom holds that higher turnout favors Democrats. Previous studies of this hypothesis rely on presidential and House elections or on survey data, but senatorial and gubernatorial elections offer better conditions for directly testing turnout effects in U.S. politics. In a comprehensive analysis of these statewide elections since 1928, we find that the conventional theory was true outside the South through 1964, but since 1965 the overall relationship between turnout and partisan outcomes has been insignificant. Even before the mid-1960s, the turnout effect outside the South was strongest in Republican states and insignificant or negative in heavily Democratic states. A similar but weaker pattern obtains after 1964. In the South, which we analyze only since 1966, higher turnout helped Republicans until 1990, but in 1990–94 the effect became pro-Democratic. The conventional theory cannot account for these complex patterns, but they are impressively consistent with DeNardo's (1980) theory.

Where Is “the South”? Assessing the Meaning of Geography in Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 1100-1134
Author(s):  
Melanie J. Springer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
American South ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
The South ◽  
Research Strategies ◽  
The American South ◽  
The Many

The use of geographic classifications to make empirical or theoretical generalizations is common in political science research. Yet, in most cases, these groupings, in and of themselves, lack broader meaning. Offering an in-depth example of the American South, this study demonstrates the need to scrutinize the qualities we are actually interested in when using geographic classifications to explore political trends. The article begins by discussing the many ways that “the South” has been defined in the existing literature. Then, it evaluates the theoretical and empirical consequences of these various definitions using examples focused on discriminatory practices, voter turnout, and civil rights roll call votes. This evidence demonstrates the importance of grounding one’s definition in substantive metrics and historical context over and beyond basic geography. The study concludes with a discussion of its broader implications that apply to several topics of interest and research strategies.

Psychological Involvement and Black Voter Turnout

2003 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Mangum
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Black Voter

Partisan Effects of Voter Turnout in Presidential Elections

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
JACK H. NAGEL ◽  
JOHN E. McNULTY
Keyword(s):  
Mathematical Model ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The South ◽  
Gubernatorial Elections ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Empirically Supported ◽  
High Turnout ◽  
The Impact

Previous studies of turnout effects in U.S. elections have reported perplexingly different results for presidential as opposed to major statewide (senatorial and gubernatorial) contests. By justifying and applying a consistent methodology, the authors find that results for both types conform to the pattern previously reported by Nagel and McNulty for senatorial and gubernatorial races. Outside the South, higher turnout helped Democratic presidential candidates from 1928 through 1964. In 1968 through 1996, however, the impact of turnout in straight two-party contests was insignificant, except in the South, where Democrats benefited from higher turnout. In the earlier period, high turnout helped Democrats most in states where Republicans usually prevailed. Its effects became weaker or even pro-Republican in the most strongly Democratic states. All of these findings uphold DeNardo's mathematical model, which provides an empirically supported theory of the partisan effects of turnout in U.S. presidential, senatorial, and gubernatorial elections.

Valuing the Vote: The Redistribution of Voting Rights and State Funds following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 *

2013 ◽  
Vol 129 (1) ◽  
pp. 379-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth U. Cascio ◽  
Ebonya Washington
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Public Spending ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Black Population ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Voting Rights Act ◽  
Black Voter ◽  
Triple Difference ◽  
Literacy Test

AbstractThe Voting Rights Act of 1965, called one of the most effective pieces of civil rights legislation in U.S. history, generated dramatic increases in black voter registration across the South. We ask whether the increase in black voting rights was accompanied by an increase in blacks’ share of public spending. We exploit a key provision of the act—removal of literacy tests at registration—for identification. Employing a triple-difference framework over a 20-year period, we find that counties with higher black population shares in former literacy test states saw greater increases in both voter turnout and state transfers than comparison counties in non–literacy test states, a finding that is consistent with models of distributive politics.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document