Standard-Bearers of Equality: America's First Abolition Movement by Paul J. Polgar

2021 ◽  
Vol 145 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-90
Author(s):  
Cory James Young
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 136248062110159
Author(s):  
Mugambi Jouet

Michel Foucault’s advocacy toward penal reform in France differed from his theories. Although Foucault is associated with the prison abolition movement, he also proposed more humane prisons. The article reframes Foucauldian theory through a dialectic with the theories of Marc Ancel, a prominent figure in the emergence of liberal sentencing norms in France. Ancel and Foucault were contemporaries whose legacies are intertwined. Ancel defended more benevolent prisons where experts would rehabilitate offenders. This evokes exactly what Discipline and Punish cast as an insidious strategy of social control. In reality, Foucault and Ancel converged in intriguing ways. The dialectic offers another perspective on Foucault, whose theories have fostered skepticism about the possibility of progress. While mass incarceration’s rise in the United States may evoke a Foucauldian dystopia, the relative development of human rights and dignity in European punishment reflects aspirations that Foucault embraced as an activist concerned about fatalistic interpretations of his theories.


PMLA ◽  
1945 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 611-615
Author(s):  
Philip Allison Shelley

Niclas Müller, obscure printer, minor poet, and earnest patriot, belonged to the band of Forty-Eighters, whose love of liberty led them to transplant their ideal from the fallow soil of the old world to the fertile fields of the new, where, finding it flourish and flower, they were not content to enjoy its fruits by themselves but sought to share them with others who had as yet not tasted them. A typical member of this consecrated band, Müller, in the words of the Reverend Charles Timothy Brooks, had “always been at hand during the struggles for liberty on both sides of the water,” having been involved in both the German Revolution of 1848 and the American Civil War. As publicist and poet he supported the liberal movement in Germany and the abolition movement in America. “He wrote,” Brooks remarked, “several stirring songs during our war.” Foremost among them was a cycle of sonnets entitled Zehn gepanzerte Sonnete, Mit einer Widmung an Ferdinand Freiligrath, und einem Nachklang: “Die Union, wie sie sein soll,” Von Niclas Müller, Im November 1862 (New York, Gedruckt und zu haben bei Nic. Müller, 48 Beekman St.), which Brooks himself translated into English but never published.


Author(s):  
Kayla M. Martensen ◽  
Beth E. Richie

Prison abolition as an American movement, strategy, and theory has existed since the establishment of prison as the primary mode of punishment. In many of its forms, it is an extension of abolition movements dating back to the inception of slavery. The long-term goal of prison abolition is for all people to live in a safe, liberated, and free world. In practice, prison abolition values healing and accountability, suggesting an entirely different way of living and maintaining relationships outside of oppressive regimes, including that of the prison. Prison abolition is concerned with the dismantling of the prison–industrial complex and other oppressive institutions and structures, which restrict true liberation of people who have been marginalized by those in power. These structures include white supremacy, patriarchy, capitalism, and ablest and heteronormative ideologies. The origins of the prison regime are both global and rooted in history with two fundamental strategies of dominance, the captivity of African-descended peoples, and the conquest of Indigenous and Aboriginal peoples, land and resource. Similarly, the origins of prison abolition begin with the resistance of these systems of dominance. The contemporary prison abolition movement, today, is traced to the Attica Prison Uprising in 1971 when incarcerated people in the New York prison rebelled and demanded change in the living conditions inside prison. The nature of the uprising was different from prior efforts, insofar as the organizers’ demands were about fundamental rights, not merely reforms. Throughout the history of abolition work, there is continuous division between reform and abolition organizers. When the lives, voices, and leadership of the people most impacted by the violence of these oppressive regimes is centered, there is minimal space for discussion of reform. Throughout the abolition movement in America, and other western cultures, the leadership of Black, Indigenous, women, and gender-nonconforming people of color play a pivotal role. By centering the experiences of those most vulnerable, abolitionists understand prison does not need to be reformed and is critical of fashionable reforms and alternatives to prisons which are still rooted in carceral logic.


2019 ◽  
pp. 103-144
Author(s):  
E. Thomas Herman
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
William L. Barney

Sectional tensions over slavery persisted since the writing of the Constitution and exploded into secession and the Civil War in 1860–61. The resistance to slavery of African Americans, both enslaved and free, prodded the consciences of enough Northern whites to produce the abolition movement and emerge as a political force in its own right. Southerners recognized that the morality of slavery was at the heart of the issue and sought in vain to make Northerners acknowledge slavery as a morally just institution and allow it to grow and expand. The Northern refusal to do so fueled the rise of the Republican Party and split the Democratic Party at its national convention in the spring of 1860, setting the stage for the election of Abraham Lincoln and the outbreak of the secession crisis.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document