Navigating and resisting the compulsory military service in Iran: embodied experiences of non-heterosexual Iranian men

In the homosocial space of the all male military service, (hetero)masculinity and gender normativity are promoted and bravery and warrior mentality are highly valued. On this basis, policing gender and sexuality is a relevant issue, aiming to reward heteronormativity and hyper masculinity and marginalize non heterosexuality and gender nonconforming performances. In the Iranian context, since the Iran Iraq war (1980–1988), military service has produced a feature of militarized (hetero)masculinities through the cult of martyrdom. It enforces soldiers to stand up against the enemy, be willing to seek martyrdom and sacrifice themselves in order to protect the Islamic Iranian homeland. It is a symbol of entering adulthood and during that time young men are expected to embody the official ideology which revolves around heteronormativity and strict gender norms. In this context, the focus of this paper is the embodied experiences of those young conscripts who do not embody the (hetero)masculine ideal, because they are either non heterosexual or do not fit into the strict regime of gender. Drawing on ethnographic data, and policy documents, this paper shows how the idea of the (hetero)masculine ideal has been translated into practice through the dispositif of the sarbazi and how some young Iranian non heterosexual men try to resist conscription while others try to find ways to carve out a liminal heterotopic space during their military service.

Crisis of Erasure

In this paper, we use the topic of breast cancer as an example of health crisis erasure in both informational and institutional contexts, particularly within the transgender and gender-nonconforming population. Breast cancer health information conforms and defaults to conventional cultural associations with femininity, as is the case with pregnancy and other “single-sex” conditions (Surkan, 2015). Many health information and research practices normalize sexualities, pathologize non-normative gender (Drescher et al., 2012; Fish, 2008; Müller, 2018), and fail to recognize gender-nonconforming categories (Frohard‐Dourlent et al., 2017). Because breast cancer health information is sexually normalized, an information boundary exists for the LGBTQ+ community, particularly among transgender and gender-nonconforming adults who are at greater risk of discrimination in healthcare settings (Casey et al., 2019). Transgender and gender-nonconforming people experience unique marginalization and risk with respect to breast cancer. We call upon and propose library and information research, education, and practice opportunities inclusive of the health information needs of transgender and gender-nonconforming populations.

Governing Thirdness

Khawaja Sira of Pakistan are a heterogeneous group of marginalized gender nonconforming individuals who defy traditional notions of gender and sexuality. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Lahore, Pakistan, Governing Thirdness provides important insights about the identity, marginalization and governance of the Khawaja Sira as they try to live an unliveable life. Taking a broad view of governance, this book includes a comprehensive analysis of governance of the Khawaja Sira across legal, social and administrative institutions. It also argues that labels like third gender and transgender fails to account for the gender fluid lives and multiple types of individuals who identify as Khawaja Sira, yet these categories, largely imported from the west, are used without much thought to govern this heterogeneous group.

Examining the Mental Health Presentations of Treatment-Seeking Transgender and Gender Nonconforming (TGNC) Youth

Recent research suggests that transgender and/or gender nonconforming (TGNC) youth present with heightened levels of mental health problems compared to peers. This study seeks to examine the mental health needs of a large sample of treatment-seeking TGNC youth by comparing them to cisgender males and females. Participants were 94,804 children and youth ages 4–18 years (M = 12.1, SD = 3.72) who completed the interRAI Child and Youth Mental Health Instrument (ChYMH) or Screener (ChYMH-S) at participating mental health agencies in the Ontario, Canada. Overall, the mental health presentations of TGNC youth were similar to cisgender females but at higher acuity levels. TGNC youth showed significantly higher levels of anxiety, depression, social disengagement, positive symptoms, risk of suicide/self-harm, and were more likely to report experiencing emotional abuse, past suicide attempts, and a less strong, supportive family relationship than cisgender females and males. Clinical implications of these findings are discussed.

A Global Call to Action for Gender-Inclusive Data Collection and Use

The global data community has made—and is continuing to make—enormous strides toward collecting, analyzing, and using sex-disaggregated data to improve international development programs. Historically, however, sex-disaggregation has been—and largely continues to be—a binary representation of cisgender female and cisgender male populations. This binary interpretation excludes transgender and gender-nonconforming people and further perpetuates marginalization and discrimination of these populations. In a world where disparities are increasing, it is paramount to highlight and share the experiences of marginalized populations so we are better able to serve all beneficiary needs and end disparities. To this end, we call for a paradigm shift from binary sex-disaggregation to multinomial gender-disaggregation, which is more inclusive and equitable. This call to action is aimed particularly at surveyors, researchers, program implementors, policy makers, and gender rights advocates in both resource-sufficient and resource-constrained settings. The lack of adequate gender-disaggregated data is a universal problem.

Barriers and Facilitators to Participation in Long-Acting Injectable PrEP Research Trials for MSM, Transgender Women, and Gender-Nonconforming People of Color

We collected 216 responses from sexually active MSM, transgender women, and gender-nonconforming (GNC) people of color through a web-based survey to understand the facilitators and barriers to research participation in a hypothetical LAI PrEP trial. In adjusted models, these items were found to be significantly associated with research participation likelihood: ever participated in HIV research study; comfort with taking daily pill; comfort with providing urine sample; and concerns over potential side effects of shot. Asian participants were more concerned about others knowing they were being recruited than were Black and Latinx respondents F(2, 216) = 3.98; p < .05. Asian respondents were also less comfortable with being recruited at organizations serving communities of color than Black and Latinx respondents, F(2, 216) = 5.10; p < .05. Cisgender respondents were more comfortable with being recruited by a friend or colleague than were transgender/GNC respondents, F(1, 215) = 4.8; p < .05.

The Movement Expands

Chapter 8 examines the expansion of the movement to new issues and newly forceful constituents. It charts the rise of the police-free schools movement and discusses the influence of the Movement for Black Lives. It documents the assertion of voice and leadership by Black girls; girls of color; and gender nonconforming students in the movement, highlighting the intersectional ways that they experience the school-to-prison pipeline. Finally, it examines the role of teachers as allies to the movement and highlights efforts to implement restorative justice as an alternative to zero tolerance. It emphasizes the need to connect restorative justice to school-site organizing that connects teachers with students and parents in ways that transform relationships and create liberatory education.

Willful Defiance

Willful Defiance documents how Black and Brown parents, students and members of low-income communities of color organized to dismantle the school-to-prison pipeline in their local schools and built a movement that spread across the country. The book begins in the Mississippi Delta where African American families were some of the first to name and speak out against the school-to-prison pipeline and challenge anti-Black racism, exclusionary discipline policies that suspend and expel students of color at disproportionate rates and policing practices that lead students into the juvenile and criminal justice systems. The book examines organizing processes in Mississippi, Los Angeles, Chicago, and other localities, showing how groups led by parents and students of color built the power to win policy changes to reduce suspensions and expulsions by centering the participation of people most impacted by injustice and combining deep local organizing with resources from the national movement. It shows how an intersectional movement emerged as girls of color and gender nonconforming students asserted their voice, the movement won victories to remove or defund school police and sought to establish restorative justice alternatives to transform deep-seated racism in public schools. The book documents the struggle organizers waged to build a movement led by community groups accountable to people most impacted by injustice rather than Washington-based professional advocates. It offers a new model for federated movements that operate simultaneously at local, state, and national levels, while primarily oriented to support local organizing and reconceptualizes national movements as interconnected local struggles whose victories are lifted up and “nationalized” to transform racially inequitable policies at multiple levels.