Investigating the Fiscal Administration of the Arab Provinces after the Ottoman Conquest of 1516

Author(s):  
Linda T. Darling
Author(s):  
Tirthankar Roy

The eighteenth-century economy of the Indian subcontinent was an uneven one. On the one hand, there were present a rich indigenous commercial tradition; territorial states that respected private property in land and trade; a literate elite running the fiscal administration; and rich cities that were home to highly skilled artisans. But much of that wealth was confined to the riparian, deltaic, and seaboard regions. The greater part of peninsular India consisted of drylands, poor peasants, few roads, slow traffic, few towns, forests, waterless uplands, and uninhabited deserts. With such divergent initial conditions, the onset of globalization and the emergence of British power led to a variety of trajectories, as Chapter 2 shows.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael T. Peddle ◽  
Kurt Thurmaier

Parergon ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-162
Author(s):  
Elizabeth M. Jeffreys

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-34
Author(s):  
Octavian Moldovan ◽  
Gabriela Bucătariu

The aim of this article is to evaluate the effectiveness and efficiency of (internal) administrative appeal in tax or fiscal matters in Romania, in comparison to the more time and resource consuming court action against an administrative decision imposing fiscal obligations. In order to evaluate the effectiveness and efficiency of administrative appeals, we analysed data from the reports and documents issued by the Romanian National Agency for Fiscal Administration (NAFA) regarding efficiency related indicators, as well as dispute settlements and the amount of collected tax as effectiveness criteria. Furthermore, data regarding the results of the administrative procedure is compared to the results of the judicial procedure in terms of the number of admitted legal actions that annulled fiscal obligations. The results show that at least in the 2013–2017 period, the administrative procedure was both inefficient and ineffective since, on average, less than 7% of fiscal disputes were solved/settled in favour of the appellant. Moreover, the procedure was rather time consuming – although the disputes should have been settled in 45 days, the answer was provided after 70 days. Hence, the administrative procedure is often seen as a mere stepping stone toward subsequent legal/court actions, with no possibility to provide a satisfactory solution and thus lessen the workload of the court. Surprisingly, the taxpayers seem to consider the courts as a more favourable/efficient means as more than half of legal actions brought against fiscal administrative acts were settled in favour of the taxpayer, i.e. the fiscal obligations were annulled. The effectiveness of the preliminary administrative procedure was further analysed from multiple perspectives pertaining to the players that have a direct or indirect legitimate interest in this procedure. These are (i) the courts, which should/could benefit from a reduced workload if the procedure was effective, (ii) the taxpayers filing administrative appeals, which could have a feasible alternative to the time and resource consuming judicial means, and (iii) the fiscal bodies that issued fiscal administrative acts or that must respond to the appeals. The fact that this procedure is a mandatory predecessor of the judicial one and not an alternative means of dispute resolution seems to significantly impede its efficiency and effectiveness. The results can serve as a basis to analyse and compare the respective data in other countries with similar legal and tax systems.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Daniel Hummel

<p class="Style2">The dichotomy between pay-as-you-go (taxation financing) and pay-as-you-use (debt financing) methods of financing municipal projects, etc, is the area of concern in this paper. While there arc advantaees and disadvantages to both forms, debt financing carries a considerable amount of baggage known as interest. Interest or usury has been a concern of economic and religious thinkers through the ages. Given the potentially negative effect this has on the debtor, Indonesia is forewarned as it decentralizes fiscal administration to local governments. Besides reliance on taxation financing, an alternative public debt option is highlighted.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAGJEET LALLY

Abstract Across monsoon Asia, salt is of such vital necessity that controlling its production or supply has historically been connected to the establishment and expression of political authority. On the one hand, rulers maintained the allegiance of their subjects by ensuring their access to salt of suitable price and sufficient quantity. On the other hand, denying rebels their salt was a strategy of conquest and pacification, while the necessity of salt meant it could reliably be taxed to raise state finances. This article first sets out this connection of salt and sovereignty, then examining it in the context of colonial Burma, a province of British India from its annexation until its ‘divorce’ in 1935 (effected in 1937), and thus subject to the Government of India's salt monopoly. Focusing on salt brings into view two aspects of the state (while also permitting analysis of ‘Upper Burma’, which remains rather marginal in the scholarly literature). First, the everyday state and quotidian practices constitutive of its sovereignty, which was negotiated and contested where indigenes were able to exploit the chinks in the state's administrative capacity and its knowledge deficits. Second, in turn, the lumpy topography of state power. The state not only failed to restrict salt production to the extent it desired (with the intention that indigenes would rely on imported salt, whose supply was easier to control and thus tax), but conceded to a highly complex fiscal administration, the variegations in which reflected the uneven distribution in state power – thicker in the delta and thinnest in the uplands.


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