Understanding Vietnam’s post-cold war foreign policy: its relationships with China, ASEAN and the US in the context of the South China Sea issue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chi Nguyen Ngo
2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
Tajwar Ali ◽  
Aftab Alam

South China Sea is a region of interest for both China, US and many other nations. For China, the South China sea is as important as the Caribbean Sea was important for the US in the first Cold War. The US, through small states near the South China Sea like Taiwan, Philippines, and Vietnam and japan spar Chinese hegemony in the region. China is ready to transgress international law when things go against the interests of China in the periphery of the South China Sea. China has created synthetic islands in the South China Sea, and these constructions are viewed ambiguously by the US. The surveillance of US warships in the region and its military support to Taiwan, Philippines and Vietnam evidently depicts the existence of a second Cold War in the region. China’s economy is an export-based economy, and most of the exports of China are sent through the South China Sea. An Apparent Clash of interests between the US and China is visible in the form of a new Cold War in the South China Sea.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Phuong Hoang

The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110145
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro

This article examines how the ASEAN is managing the quintessential security challenges of the 21st century, particularly China’s emergence as a regional power, its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea, and the US–China strategic rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. As an organization tackling these security concerns, the ASEAN lacks the essential mechanism for conflict resolution, operates through informal diplomacy and moral suasion, and relies on consensus in making decisions. As a result, China has effectively divided the association during the talks on the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea dispute. China is currently formulating with the ASEAN a Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. All the same, China has made sure that any future agreement with the ASEAN imposes no constraints on its expansionist moves in the contested waters, and contains provisions that benefit its interests in the long run. Meanwhile, US–China strategic competition has prompted the ASEAN to think of ways to deal with this potential security threat. However, the association has failed to come up with a common strategy. In conclusion, this article argues that China’s emergence as a regional power, its maritime expansion into the South China Sea, and the US–China geopolitical contest are testing both the capacity and the limits of the ASEAN in resolving these security issues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana

In recent years situation on the South China Sea facing an escalationcondition, especially affected from China maritime activities. That conditionemerged when China put South China Sea territory at China's official map,which called 9/10/11 dashed line or u-shaped line. This paper addresses theIndonesian Government respond about territorial disputes with China'sofficial map on Natuna. The U-shaped line at China's official map actuallybecame challenges for Global Maritime Axis idea and Indonesia foreignpolicy under Jokowi-JK administration.Keyword: Global Maritime Axis, South China Sea, Foreign Policy


2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (436-437) ◽  
pp. 151-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Raine ◽  
Christian Le Mière

Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter (and the next) look at the US’s recent intervention in the South China Sea and China’s responses. It considers the varying domestic and strategic concerns of these primarily island countries. It analyses the drivers of their responses to the sovereignty disputes in the Sea and to the key US initiative of the TPP. This chapter and the next are linked to the one that follows on Vietnam, which also plays a critical role in the shifting relation of forces in the South China Sea disputes. This is the region where the US has invested most hopes in a dramatic shift in regional alignments against China. These chapters assess the US’s progress, and conclude that – despite its lack of a local ally with anything like the weight of Japan or South Korea and the immense geographic extension of American power involved in maintaining its presence in the region – in some respects the US ’rebalance’ strategies have made more progress here to China’s south than to its east.


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