ASEAN’s post-Cold War involvement in the South China Sea dispute: the relevance of associative and balance of power dimensions

2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
Tajwar Ali ◽  
Aftab Alam

South China Sea is a region of interest for both China, US and many other nations. For China, the South China sea is as important as the Caribbean Sea was important for the US in the first Cold War. The US, through small states near the South China Sea like Taiwan, Philippines, and Vietnam and japan spar Chinese hegemony in the region. China is ready to transgress international law when things go against the interests of China in the periphery of the South China Sea. China has created synthetic islands in the South China Sea, and these constructions are viewed ambiguously by the US. The surveillance of US warships in the region and its military support to Taiwan, Philippines and Vietnam evidently depicts the existence of a second Cold War in the region. China’s economy is an export-based economy, and most of the exports of China are sent through the South China Sea. An Apparent Clash of interests between the US and China is visible in the form of a new Cold War in the South China Sea.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Phuong Hoang

The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.


Author(s):  
Zakaria Ahmad

Malaysia’s relations with the United States and China are examined in the context of a changing balance of power scenario in Asia and Southeast Asia. China’s rise and U.S. “rebalancing” to the region as well as overlapping claims in the South China Sea are issues faced by Malaysia at the same time it is engaged in an era of increased trade and economic growth in the region. Malaysia’s posture and policy is to steer away from being embroiled in the Sino-U.S. rivalry, even as it continues to engage with both in “strategic partnerships.” As Malaysia is an ASEAN state of stature, with claims in the South China Sea, its position is to seek a peaceful solution with China and its ASEAN partners, and it will avoid any military conflagration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-116
Author(s):  
Jeffrey McGee ◽  
Brendan Gogarty ◽  
Danielle Smith

Recent territorial disputes in the South China Sea (scs) have been viewed as a proxy for wider geopolitical tension between the United States and China. Realist commentators therefore argue that power will be the key driver of outcomes and the likely role of international law is peripheral. Mainstream international law scholarship is ill-equipped to respond to such criticism as it largely marginalises the relationship between law and power. However, some leading historical figures in International Law and International Relations have long argued that an ‘associational balance of power’ between States is an essential pre-condition for the effective operation of international law. We argue that re-enlivening this focus on ‘associational balance of power’ offers new insights into the possibilities for international law in the scs. We therefore recommend an interdisciplinary research program across the fields of International Law and Strategic Studies aimed at facilitating rule-based resolution of disputes in the scs.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhenyi Chen ◽  

ABSTRACT With the rise of China and the escalation of tension between China and the United States, European countries led by Britain, France and Germany pay increasing attention to the regional situation in the Asia-Pacific (now known as "Indo-Pacific"). Among them, the South China Sea (SCS) is one of the main areas disputed by China, the United States, Southeast Asian countries and some European countries. Western countries are worried that the rise of China's military power will break the stability of the situation in SCS and alter the balance of power among major powers. Therefore, they tried to balance China's rise through alliance. In France's Indo-Pacific strategy, France aims to build a regional order with the alliance of France, India and Australia as the core, and regularly carry out military exercises targeting SCS with the United States, Japan and Southeast Asian countries. This paper aims to study the activities and motivation of France in the South China Sea, and put the situation in SCS under the perspective of Balance of Power Theory, focusing on China, America and France. It will be argued that great powers are carefully maintaining the balance of military power in SCS, and it is highly possible that this trend would still last in the middle and long term, particularly via military deployment and strategic alliances. KEYWORDS: South China Sea, France, China, Balance of Power theory, Indo-Pacific.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-336
Author(s):  
Kentaro Sakuwa

How do territorial disputes shape regional contexts within which politics among local states takes place? This paper analyses regional impacts of territorial disputes drawing on the case of South China Sea and statistical data. I argue that ‘local security externalities’ produced by ongoing territorial disputes influence not only direct disputants but also other states in the regional neighbourhood. Escalated disputes in the South China Sea exacerbated China’s relationships with Japan—which is not a direct disputant—because Japan shares important stakes in the disputed area and China’s assertive policy was perceived as a sign of its willingness to use force and pursue a ‘hegemonic’ ambition in the region. Such effect is also confirmed by a time-series of analysis of the post-Cold War Sino-Japanese relationships. Thus, this paper empirically shows that ongoing territorial disputes may influence a larger group of regional states, thus shaping a regional context for political interactions.


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