The Game of Fluctuating Interests: USA and the Security Architecture in the South China Sea

Throughout the past period, both the U.S and China further expanded their escalation actions (especially during the Trump and the Biden administrations). Within this context, the aim of this paper is to analyze the structural factors that steer the Chinese side to either keep escalating (potentially invading Taiwan), or to practice fluctuation of interests. By questioning the balance of power theorem between China and their adversaries (notably the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia). The literature about China's rise is voluminous, and consistently pinpoints key historical moments of increased tensions among the Western and Eastern fronts. Evidence points to significant variations within the Chinese modus operandi when it comes to use of force in territorial disputes. As it stands, our position is that barriers to direct conflict between the U.S and China are far too significant.

China’s Assertiveness in the South and East China Sea: A Constructivist Approach

<p><strong>La asertividad de China en los Mares del Sur y del Este de China: acercamiento constructivista</strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article aims to discuss the issue of China’s assertiveness in the South and East China Seas within the constrictivist framework, as economic (liberalism) and military power (realism) are not sufficient to explain the complexity of the problem.<strong> </strong>It aims to answer the following question: How does the constructivist approach lend itself to the understanding of China’s assertiveness in the case of the South and the East China Sea territorial disputes? It will also explore the following hypotheses: the victimized identity perception leads China to be assertive in the South China Sea dispute and the perception of Japan’s behavior as aggressive (as in the past) provokes China to be assertive in the East China Sea dispute.</p><p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p><strong></strong>El presente artículo tiene como objetivo discutir la cuestión de la asertividad de China en Los Mares del Sur y del Este de China dentro del marco constrictivista, ya que el poder económico (liberalismo) y el poder militar (realismo) no son suficientes para explicar la complejidad del problema. Tiene como objetivo responder a la siguiente pregunta: ¿Cómo se presta el enfoque constructivista a la comprensión de la asertividad de China en el caso de las disputas territoriales del Mar del Este y del Sur de China? También explorará las siguientes hipótesis: la percepción de la identidad victimizada lleva a China a ser asertiva en la disputa del Mar del Sur de China y la percepción de agresividad en el comportamiento de Japón (como en el pasado) provoca que China sea asertiva en la disputa del Mar del Este de China.</p><p> </p>

O Píer Mauá como Terrain Vague Planejamento urbano, mídia e arquitetura

A adesão ao planejamento estratégico e a realização de mega eventos esportivos no Rio de Janeiro contribuíram para a reconstrução da imagem global da cidade no século XXI, configurando novas formas de ocupação do território. Este artigo pretende refletir sobre o conceito de terrain vague, ou terreno vago (SOLÀ-MORALES, 2002), a partir da análise do Píer Mauá, atracadouro originalmente construído em 1948, na região portuária, e que se tornou objeto de disputas urbanas desde os anos 1990 até a construção do Museu do Amanhã, inaugurado em 2015. O presente estudo levanta a hipótese de que planejamento urbano e mídia se tornam fatores essenciais para nortear o pensamento arquitetônico. Investigaremos as principais propostas realizadas para o local (projetos dos anos 1990, Guggenheim Rio e Museu do Amanhã) em conexão com os respectivos planos urbanísticos (Rio Sempre Rio, Porto do Rio e Porto Maravilha) e com as imagens dominantes veiculadas pela mídia (Brasil + 500, Novo Milênio e Sustentabilidade). Palavras-chave: Terreno vago; Píer Mauá; Guggenheim Rio; Museu do Amanhã. ABSTRACT Strategic urban planning and mega sporting events in Rio de Janeiro have contributed to the reconstruction of the city’s global image in the 21st century, configuring new ways of occupying the territory. This article aims to reflect on the concept of terrain vague (SOLÀ-MORALES, 2002) by analyzing the Mauá Pier, a wharf originally built in 1948 at the Rio Port area, and which had become a target of territorial disputes since the 1990s until the construction of the Museum of Tomorrow, inaugurated in 2015. This study will raise the hypothesis that both urban planning and media become fundamental factors for the architectural design thinking for the Maua Pier. Therefore, we will investigate the main architectural designs (including the proposals of the 1990s, Guggenheim Rio, and Museum of Tomorrow) connected to the respective urban plans (Rio Sempre Rio, Porto do Rio, and Porto Maravilha) and to the dominant images broadcasted by media (Brazil + 500, New Millennium and Sustainability). Keywords: Terrain vague; Píer Mauá; Guggenheim Rio; Museu do Amanhã.

Coup de Grace: How the Quad is Hastening the Destruction of ASEAN

The rise of the US-led Quad alliance in 2017 will be a test for ASEAN. Southeast Asia is at the center of a simmering strategic rivalry between the two world superpowers, the US and China. China's meteoric economic ascendence on the global stage has shifted the balance of global power in today's geopolitics. This article seeks to examine the potential of how the Quad may shake the ASEAN's unity and centrality as a result of China's rise. Beijing has expanded its influence throughout Southeast Asia and is by now easily ASEAN's largest trading partner, while at the same time it has aggressively asserted its pseudohistorical irredentist claims in the South China Sea, a vital route for regional trade, creating territorial disputes with some ASEAN member countries. This article found that the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia is likely to grow more difficult, perhaps affecting Southeast Asia's policy of non-alignment. Some argue that the Quad will bring balance in the Asia Pacific; however, this view will inevitably change if some ASEAN countries in favor of FOIP decide to join the Quad, either formally or informally, and work together to attempt to counterbalance China, which would leave ASEAN itself torn apart.

Territory of state as indivisible whole and the norms of Constitution

In the study of the substantive legal grounds for the resolution of territorial disputes, the judicial form is characterized by the priority of the grounds of legal title (agreemental title, uti possidetis) based on international treaties, or legal acts of the state possessing sovereignty over the grounds of actual title (effective occupation and governning of the territory, tacit recognition, prescriptional acquisition). Like the initial occupation, the acquisition of territory on the basis of prescription has a long and effective occupation of territory as a prerequisite. The possession of alien or contested territory without a treaty may be legal and enforceable only when there is an inviolable, uninterrupted and undisputed exercise of possession. Where the disputable territory is in fact administrated by a state other than that which holds title, the International Court of Justice gives preference to the title holder.

History of partnership between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (1992-2014)

Countries and peoples of the world have expressed concern about the geopolitical situation in Asia since the end XX century and the tense situation there. Nuclear weapons have appeared in several countries of the continent. Territorial disputes in a number of countries have escalated into armed conflict. There were other disputes, which were difficult to resolve. At the same time, the collapse of the Soviet Union, which was considered a military and economic power on the continent had a certain impact on stability in the region complicating the political situation further here. Independent states were formed in the post-Soviet region. The issue of border security of the states was on the agenda. At that time, the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev speaking from the rostrum of the 47th session of the United Nations General Assembly on October 5, 1992, initiated the establishment of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia. In accordance with modern requirements, this proposal was supported and a council was established. Several states were accepted as members. Today, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia continues its work on a regular basis. The activity of this political structure has gained international significance. In the main section authors will talk about its formation and function

Securing Unity and Reverence: Chinese ontological security across its maritime and frontier disputes

<p>This thesis draws on the Constructivist school of International Relations, applying the theory of ontological security to explain diverging patterns of behaviour by China across its maritime and frontier territorial disputes. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, these patterns have seen China consistently interact with states adjacent to its frontiers to settle disputes peacefully, with occasional instances of conflict. Conversely, in its maritime disputes, though varying in its levels of aggression and cooperation, China has resolutely refused to settle with disputant states. In examining these varying behaviours, it is argued that differences derive from the differing ability of China to secure its national identity between the two types of dispute. Analysing the examples of the Sino-Indian dispute and border war, the Burmese border agreement, and the ongoing South China Sea disputes, periods of conflict and settlement in these disputes are compared to changing manifestations of Chinese national identity. What results is an illustration of frontier border settlement contributing to the security of China’s identity as a unified, pluralistic nation state. The absence of national minority populations in relation to maritime disputes alternatively sees continued interaction in these disputes as securing China’s identity as the superior ‘Central Kingdom’ relative to peripheral South East Asian states, while offering little incentive for settlement. Both types of dispute can be viewed as contributing to the biographical narrative of China’s ‘Century of Humiliation’. This thesis presents a significant departure from existing studies of China’s disputes, predominantly undertaken from a Realist perspective. Additionally, it expands on existing Constructivist literature by demonstrating how national identity can result in a range of behaviours across a range of differing disputes, further validating the emerging ontological security approach within International Relations scholarship.</p>

Securing Unity and Reverence: Chinese ontological security across its maritime and frontier disputes

<p>This thesis draws on the Constructivist school of International Relations, applying the theory of ontological security to explain diverging patterns of behaviour by China across its maritime and frontier territorial disputes. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, these patterns have seen China consistently interact with states adjacent to its frontiers to settle disputes peacefully, with occasional instances of conflict. Conversely, in its maritime disputes, though varying in its levels of aggression and cooperation, China has resolutely refused to settle with disputant states. In examining these varying behaviours, it is argued that differences derive from the differing ability of China to secure its national identity between the two types of dispute. Analysing the examples of the Sino-Indian dispute and border war, the Burmese border agreement, and the ongoing South China Sea disputes, periods of conflict and settlement in these disputes are compared to changing manifestations of Chinese national identity. What results is an illustration of frontier border settlement contributing to the security of China’s identity as a unified, pluralistic nation state. The absence of national minority populations in relation to maritime disputes alternatively sees continued interaction in these disputes as securing China’s identity as the superior ‘Central Kingdom’ relative to peripheral South East Asian states, while offering little incentive for settlement. Both types of dispute can be viewed as contributing to the biographical narrative of China’s ‘Century of Humiliation’. This thesis presents a significant departure from existing studies of China’s disputes, predominantly undertaken from a Realist perspective. Additionally, it expands on existing Constructivist literature by demonstrating how national identity can result in a range of behaviours across a range of differing disputes, further validating the emerging ontological security approach within International Relations scholarship.</p>

Book review: Ismail Vengasseri, 1962 Border War: Sino–Indian Territorial Disputes and Beyond

Ismail Vengasseri, 1962 Border War: Sino–Indian Territorial Disputes and Beyond (New Delhi, California, London, Singapore: SAGE, 2021), pp. xvi+284, ₹1,295, ISBN 9789353885281 (Hardcover).