ASEAN’s post-Cold War involvement in the South China Sea dispute

2003 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China Sea

scholarly journals Sino-US Antagonism in the South China Sea; Is it the Second Cold War?

2020 ◽  
Vol V (I) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
Tajwar Ali ◽  
Aftab Alam
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
Region Of Interest ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Small States ◽  
The South ◽  
China Sea ◽  
The Us ◽  
Military Support

South China Sea is a region of interest for both China, US and many other nations. For China, the South China sea is as important as the Caribbean Sea was important for the US in the first Cold War. The US, through small states near the South China Sea like Taiwan, Philippines, and Vietnam and japan spar Chinese hegemony in the region. China is ready to transgress international law when things go against the interests of China in the periphery of the South China Sea. China has created synthetic islands in the South China Sea, and these constructions are viewed ambiguously by the US. The surveillance of US warships in the region and its military support to Taiwan, Philippines and Vietnam evidently depicts the existence of a second Cold War in the region. China’s economy is an export-based economy, and most of the exports of China are sent through the South China Sea. An Apparent Clash of interests between the US and China is visible in the form of a new Cold War in the South China Sea.

scholarly journals Domestic Protests and Foreign Policy: An Examination of Anti-China Protests in Vietnam and Vietnamese Policy Towards China Regarding the South China Sea

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Phuong Hoang
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Security Concern

The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.

The Regional Consequences of Territorial Disputes: An Empirical Analysis of the South China Sea Disputes

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-336
Author(s):  
Kentaro Sakuwa
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
The South ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Regional Impacts ◽  
Willingness To Use

How do territorial disputes shape regional contexts within which politics among local states takes place? This paper analyses regional impacts of territorial disputes drawing on the case of South China Sea and statistical data. I argue that ‘local security externalities’ produced by ongoing territorial disputes influence not only direct disputants but also other states in the regional neighbourhood. Escalated disputes in the South China Sea exacerbated China’s relationships with Japan—which is not a direct disputant—because Japan shares important stakes in the disputed area and China’s assertive policy was perceived as a sign of its willingness to use force and pursue a ‘hegemonic’ ambition in the region. Such effect is also confirmed by a time-series of analysis of the post-Cold War Sino-Japanese relationships. Thus, this paper empirically shows that ongoing territorial disputes may influence a larger group of regional states, thus shaping a regional context for political interactions.

Contending Chinese Perspectives on China-Russia Military Partnership

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 240-259
Author(s):  
Lei Yu
Keyword(s):  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
World Order ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The South ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Pivot To Asia

China has worked with Russia to formulate a strategic partnership in the post–Cold War era to counter US containment and make the world order “more reasonable” and “fairer.” China has synchronized its military collaboration with Russia to modernize the once obsolete People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in pursuit of these objectives. The partnership and the modernization of the PLA reveal China’s preparedness for US military intervention in Taiwan and the South China Sea and for the power transition triggered by China’s ascent at the systemic (global) level. This reflects China’s intention to attain two goals: the first, to safeguard its territorial sovereignty particularly over the South China Sea, which has been in escalating disputes since US adoption of the strategies of “pivot to Asia” and “free navigation operations”; and the second, to protect China’s dream of national rejuvenation and reemergence as a great power from being interrupted by foreign intervention.

Continuity in Indonesia’s Strategy in the South China Sea Under Joko Widodo

2021 ◽  
pp. 234779702110393
Author(s):  
Angguntari C. Sari
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South China Sea ◽  
South China ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South China Sea ◽  
The South ◽  
Feedback Effects ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
China Sea ◽  
Chinese Military

This study seeks to address two interrelated questions: Does Indonesia underbalance against China? Why does President Joko Widodo stick with the strategy of to this day? The study lays out three main arguments. First, there are two types of strategies: the appropriate and inappropriate one (under-balancing). Indonesia, under the first and beginning of the second term of Jokowi presidency, adopts the prudent strategy. Thus, it does not underbalance against the Chinese military threats in the South China Sea. Such prudent strategy consists of several dimensions: facilitating the United States’ security presence in Asia, engaging major powers such as China in bilateral and multilateral economic and political–military ties to socialise China into a peace-loving country. Second, Indonesia’s non-balancing action, which is the second-best strategy after a more traditional direct internal and external military balancing, is considered a prudent choice, for three main reasons: (a) it is predicated on the assessment that China is perceived as a risk-averse limited-aims revisionist power; (b) Indonesia has very limited capacity to directly balance China and (c) the United States is perceived to be willing and able to balance China. Lastly, the continuity of this strategy, which started during the post-Cold War era, is partly related to the positive feedback effects or self-reinforcing process of existing formal institutions.

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