7. Luck Egalitarian Justice in Health

2009 ◽  
pp. 98-110
2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerah Gordon-Solmon

AbstractIn the classic article, “On the Currency of Egalitarian Justice,” G.A. Cohen states that “a large part of the fundamental egalitarian aim is to extinguish the effects of brute luck on distribution.” This canonical formulation pinpoints what is distinctive of the luck-egalitarian mandate. But it also indicates that that mandate, so stated, is incomplete. The primary task of the paper is to extend what is explicit within that mandate, and in doing so, to bring it closer to completion. To that end, I defend – in the spirit of Cohen, and by arguments he pioneered – a new, expanded conception of luck-egalitarian compensation. I propose, accordingly, an amendment, seemingly friendly, to Cohen’s statement. But, in fact, my proposed amendment, and its rationale, reveal a major lacuna in the normative underpinnings of Cohen-style egalitarianism. I thereby show that, contrary to what is widely assumed, important foundational work remains to be done for the luck-egalitarian project.


Author(s):  
Shlomi Segall

The chapter discusses the evolution of theories of justice in health and healthcare. It traces Norman Daniels’s Rawlsian account, as well as the criticism it received. It then goes on to discuss two rival theories that sprang in opposition to Daniels’s, namely a sufficientarian family of theories and luck egalitarian justice in health. Special attention is devoted to three focal questions: the pattern of justice in health, its currency, and its scope, that is, the what, how, and who. Under the latter, the chapter discusses the requirements of global justice in health, and investigates what temporal unit is appropriate in thinking of just healthcare.


Author(s):  
Daniel Halliday

This chapter reviews and criticizes varieties of the luck egalitarian conception of justice. It begins with the ‘naïve’ distinction between choice and circumstance, on which inequalities are permissible insofar as they depend on the former rather than the latter. The bulk of the chapter discusses more sophisticated versions of luck egalitarianism, which either supplement the naïve view with some countervailing principle (e.g. by appeal to personal prerogatives) or by constraining its scope (e.g. by focusing on the mediating effects of institutions). Later parts of the chapter evaluate other contemporary oppositions to inherited wealth grounded in interpretations of reciprocity and a concern about the role of inheritance in enabling freeriding. The chapter ends with a discussion of Ronald Dworkin’s views, which bear a formal resemblance to the position defended in the following two chapters.


Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682199986
Author(s):  
Dominic O'Sullivan

Colonial hegemony distinguishes relationships between the Australian state and Indigenous nations. British government was violently established and there was no accommodation with the Indigenous populations to allow settlement to proceed, as occurred through treaties in Canada and New Zealand. Indigenous arguments for treaties in Australia are, however, well established. Notwithstanding some Commonwealth and state and territory governments considering such agreements over the past 40 years, none have been concluded, and more modest forms of recognition have been alternatively proposed. In 2015, following extensive Indigenous advocacy, the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition appointed a Referendum Council to consult on an amendment to the Commonwealth Constitution to recognise Australia’s first peoples. The recommendation of a Voice to Parliament and a Makarrata Commission to oversee truth telling and agreements to allow ‘coming together after a struggle’ suggested a transformative ambition beyond the Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition’s expectations. Makarrata does not stipulate treaties as an ideal form of agreement, but in raising the possibility, the Council added to the concept’s political momentum. This article discusses the place of treaties in contemporary Australian discourse, including treaty negotiations that are in progress in Victoria, Queensland and the Northern Territory. It uses examples from New Zealand’s Treaty of Waitangi to discuss their possibilities and limits in Australia. From these examples, two overarching arguments are made. Firstly, that treaties are potentially transformative, not because they may settle historical grievances, but because their required mutual recognition of each party’s enduring political standing means that they define ongoing, just terms of association. Secondly, the substantively different political arrangements that they presume mean that they are not merely instruments of egalitarian justice and are instead concerned with the distribution of political authority – Indigenous authority over their affairs and through a distinctive and culturally contextualised state citizenship.


Author(s):  
Darrel Moellendorf

This chapter notes that normative International Political Theory (IPT) developed over the past several decades in response to political, social, and economic events. These included the globalization of trade and finance, the increasing credibility of human-rights norms in foreign policy, and a growing awareness of a global ecological crisis. The emergence of normative IPT was not simply an effort to understand these events, but an attempt to offer accounts of what the responses to them should be. Normative IPT, then, was originally doubly responsive to the real world. Additionally, this chapter argues that there is a plausible account of global egalitarianism, which takes the justification of principles of egalitarian justice to depend crucially on features of the social and economic world. The account of global egalitarianism applies to the current circumstances in part because of features of those circumstances.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen
Keyword(s):  

2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Loewe

Este texto procede à crítica dos intentos de justificação das demandas multiculturais que recorrem à igualdade de oportunidades argumentando que a disponibilidade de uma oportunidade está determinada pela pertença cultural. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Multiculturalismo. Justiça igualitária. Igualdade de oportunidades. Oportunidade. Responsabilidade. Custos. Preferências. Convicções culturais. ABSTRACT This text aims at the critique of attempts to justify multicultural claims that resort to the equality of opportunities, by arguing that the availability of an opportunity is determined by cultural belonging. KEY WORDS – Multiculturalism. Egalitarian justice. Equality of opportunities. Opportunity. Responsibility. Costs. Preferentes. Cultural convictions.


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