Sentential negation and clause structure in Old English

Author(s):  
Ans van Kemenade
Author(s):  
Deo Ngonyani

This paper explores a well-known asymmetry between negation marking main clauses and subordinate clauses in Bantu languages (Gilldemann 1999:551, Meeussen 1967:114). It is noted that pre-initial negation marking is usually restricted to main clauses, while post-initial marking is rarely restricted. Various studies have explored the diachronic origins of the various strategies. This paper focuses on how the strategies are constrained by clause structure. It is argued that negation projects a NegP as an element of Infl. Asymmetrical negation marking is due to two NegPs, one selecting TP, and the other selected by TP.


1993 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Rowlett

AbstractWe consider recent Government-Binding work on sentential negation, e.g. by Pollock, and evaluate a fundamental assumption made about the syntax of negative clauses. While accepting that ne is generated as the head of NegP, we reject the dual claim that pas is characteristically: (a) a maximal projection, and (b) base-generated as the specifier of ne. We offer a three-sided argument against such an analysis, invoking: (a) the incompatibility of the proposal with the status of pas as a nominal; (b) the interaction between pas, etc, and indefinite direct objects; and (c) the syntax of ‘adverbials’. We go on to consider Obenauer's work on ‘quantification at a distance’ and Battye's work on ‘nominal quantification’. On the basis of this work, we posit that pas is generated lower in clause structure, either VP-adjoined or as the head of a determiner-less direct object DP.


2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSAN PINTZUK

This article presents arguments against a uniform head-initial analysis of Old English clause structure. Three analyses that have been proposed for Old English – variation in the headedness of underlying structure, uniform head-initial structure with object movement, and uniform head-initial structure with pied piping – are presented and evaluated in terms of the Old English data that they are able to account for. In particular, it is argued that the positions of verbs and their complements in constructions with quantified and nonquantified objects, pronominal objects, particles, and double objects cannot be derived without stipulations within uniform head-initial accounts, but can be derived unproblematically within a framework that incorporates a headedness parameter, requiring only a stipulation to block V–O–Aux order.


1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Haeberli ◽  
Liliane Haegeman

This paper deals with the clause structure of Old English. In the main body of the paper we adopt the ‘traditional’ analysis of the West Germanic languages in which it is proposed that VP is head-final. We will argue (contra Van Kemenade 1987, pace Cardinaletti & Roberts 1991, Pintzuk 1991, Tomaselli 1991) that the clause structure of Old English contains a head-initial functional projection whose head can be the landing site of verb movement in subordinate clauses. This claim is based on evidence related to the distribution and interpretation of negative elements in Old English and West Flemish. We will show that differences between these two languages with respect to Negative Concord phenomena can be accounted for straightforwardly in terms of an Old English clause structure which is different from the one traditionally proposed for the modern Germanic SOV/V2 languages.In the appendix to the paper we briefly turn to the recent alternative approaches to the phrase structure of SOV languages in terms of a universal base hypothesis where all projections are head-initial (see Kayne (1993), Zwart (1993), Roberts (1995) for a discussion of Old English).


1995 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Pintzuk

ABSTRACTIn most recent analyses of Old English syntax, the position of the finite verb is derived by different processes in main clauses (verb seconding) than in subordinate clauses (postposition, verb raising, verb projection raising). In this article, it is argued on the basis of distributional evidence that the position of the finite verb in Old English clauses reflects synchronic variation in underlying structure, INFL-medial versusinfl-final, and that the syntax of main and subordinate clauses is the same. Quantitative analysis of the data shows that the frequency ofinfl-medial structure increases at the expense ofinfl-final structure during the Old English period, and that the rate of change is the same in both clause types. This result supports the structural analysis and provides further evidence for the Constant Rate Hypothesis of Kroch (1989, 1995).


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meta Links ◽  
Ans van Kemenade ◽  
Stefan Grondelaers

AbstractA construction very widely used in Old English and Old Germanic more broadly are correlatives introduced by an adverbial or conditional subclause, as in When you've done your homework, (then) you can come back (Old English: ‘…, then can you come back’). Correlatives originate from a paratactic clause structure, making use of resumptive adverbs such as then belonging to the Old Germanic series of demonstrative adverbs, whose syntactic niche was the clause-initial position, particularly in Verb Second main clauses. Paratactic structure in correlatives is diagnosed by the presence of a resumptive adverb. We show that the correlative use of resumptive adverbs is sensitive to both clause-internal and clause-external variables: mood, subclause-internal particles, negation, subject type, subclause weight, text type, translation. Correlatives decline from late Old English onward. Although it may seem tempting to attribute this to the loss of Verb Second in English, it resulted primarily from the loss of the original Germanic resumptive adverbs.


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