Variation and change in Old English clause structure

1995 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Pintzuk
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Old English ◽  
Rate Of Change ◽  
Underlying Structure ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Constant Rate ◽  
English Syntax ◽  
Verb Raising ◽  
Finite Verb

ABSTRACTIn most recent analyses of Old English syntax, the position of the finite verb is derived by different processes in main clauses (verb seconding) than in subordinate clauses (postposition, verb raising, verb projection raising). In this article, it is argued on the basis of distributional evidence that the position of the finite verb in Old English clauses reflects synchronic variation in underlying structure, INFL-medial versusinfl-final, and that the syntax of main and subordinate clauses is the same. Quantitative analysis of the data shows that the frequency ofinfl-medial structure increases at the expense ofinfl-final structure during the Old English period, and that the rate of change is the same in both clause types. This result supports the structural analysis and provides further evidence for the Constant Rate Hypothesis of Kroch (1989, 1995).

scholarly journals Structural variation in Old English root clauses

2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Pintzuk ◽  
Eric Haeberli
Keyword(s):  
Structural Analysis ◽  
Old English ◽  
Structural Variation ◽  
Verb Second ◽  
Structural Position ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Traditional Assumption ◽  
Constituent Order ◽  
Basic Constituent ◽  
Finite Verb

AbstractA standard observation concerning basic constituent order in Old English (OE) is that the position of finite verbs varies by clause type. In root clauses, the finite verb tends to occur toward the beginning of the clause, and we frequently find Verb Second (V2) order. In contrast, in subordinate clauses, finite verbs generally occur toward the end of the clause, and these clauses are frequently verb-final. We challenge the traditional assumption that verb-final orders and, hence, the occurrence of the finite verb in a head-final structural position are rare in OE root clauses. We present new data demonstrating that the frequency of head-final structure in OE root clauses is much higher than previously acknowledged. We then explore some of the implications of this finding for the general structural analysis of OE.

Arguments against a universal base: evidence from Old English

2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSAN PINTZUK
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Underlying Structure ◽  
Initial Structure ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
Initial Analysis ◽  
Object Movement

This article presents arguments against a uniform head-initial analysis of Old English clause structure. Three analyses that have been proposed for Old English – variation in the headedness of underlying structure, uniform head-initial structure with object movement, and uniform head-initial structure with pied piping – are presented and evaluated in terms of the Old English data that they are able to account for. In particular, it is argued that the positions of verbs and their complements in constructions with quantified and nonquantified objects, pronominal objects, particles, and double objects cannot be derived without stipulations within uniform head-initial accounts, but can be derived unproblematically within a framework that incorporates a headedness parameter, requiring only a stipulation to block V–O–Aux order.

scholarly journals Clause structure in Old English: evidence from Negative Concord

1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Haeberli ◽  
Liliane Haegeman
Keyword(s):  
Old English ◽  
Landing Site ◽  
Main Body ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
Negative Concord ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
West Germanic ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
The One ◽  
Germanic Languages

This paper deals with the clause structure of Old English. In the main body of the paper we adopt the ‘traditional’ analysis of the West Germanic languages in which it is proposed that VP is head-final. We will argue (contra Van Kemenade 1987, pace Cardinaletti & Roberts 1991, Pintzuk 1991, Tomaselli 1991) that the clause structure of Old English contains a head-initial functional projection whose head can be the landing site of verb movement in subordinate clauses. This claim is based on evidence related to the distribution and interpretation of negative elements in Old English and West Flemish. We will show that differences between these two languages with respect to Negative Concord phenomena can be accounted for straightforwardly in terms of an Old English clause structure which is different from the one traditionally proposed for the modern Germanic SOV/V2 languages.In the appendix to the paper we briefly turn to the recent alternative approaches to the phrase structure of SOV languages in terms of a universal base hypothesis where all projections are head-initial (see Kayne (1993), Zwart (1993), Roberts (1995) for a discussion of Old English).

Fast-phase transvascular fluid flux and the Fahraeus effect

1987 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1513-1520 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. N. Richardson ◽  
D. Bilan ◽  
M. Hoppensack ◽  
L. Oppenheimer
Keyword(s):  
Mechanical Properties ◽  
Slow Rate ◽  
Time Course ◽  
Rate Of Change ◽  
Distributed Model ◽  
Slow Phase ◽  
Fluid Flux ◽  
Fast Phase ◽  
Constant Rate ◽  
Fahraeus Effect

Transvascular fluid flux was induced in six isolated blood-perfused canine lobes by increasing and decreasing hydrostatic inflow pressure (Pi). Fluid flux was followed against the change in concentration of an impermeable tracer (Blue Dextran) measured directly with a colorimetric device. The time course of fluid flux was biphasic with an initial fast transient followed by a slow phase. Hematocrit changes unrelated to fluid flux occurred due to the Fahraeus effect, and their contribution to the total color signal was subtracted to determine the rate of fast fluid flux (Qf). Qf was related to Pi to derive fast-phase conductance (Kf). Slow-phase Kf was calculated from the constant rate of change of lobe weight. For a mean change in Pi of 7 cmH2O, 40% of the color signal was due to fluid flux. Fast- and slow-phase Kf's were 0.86 +/- 0.15 and 0.27 +/- 0.05 ml X min-1. cmH2O–1 X 100 g dry wt-1. The fast-phase Kf is smaller than that reported for plasma-perfused lobes. Possible explanations discussed are the nature of the perfusate, the mechanical properties of the interstitium, and the slow rate of rise of the driving pressure at the filtration site on the basis of a distributed model of pulmonary vascular compliance.

A typological analysis of the Chained-Aorist construction in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber)

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 198-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Mauri
Keyword(s):  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb

Clause-linking mechanisms are subject to cross-linguistic variation. As far as non-subordinate clauses are concerned, any combination of two clauses may show two predicates mutually equal or different in terms of finiteness: these are known as co-ranking and clause-chaining structures, respectively (Longacre 2007: 375). Clause-chaining constructions show two structural possibilities, namely medial-final and initial-medial chaining, depending on whether the more-finite verb follows or precedes the less-finite one. Clause-chaining constructions are found in unrelated language families scattered across the globe, including Afroasiatic (Longacre 1990). However, the existing typological literature on the topic has totally neglected Berber, another Afroasiatic language. This work focuses on a clause-linking strategy found in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber, henceforth AAT) and in other Berber languages, the so-called Chained-Aorist construction (henceforth C-AOR). Stemming from my fieldwork on AAT, this paper provides an innovative typological analysis of C-AOR, analysing it in terms of initial-medial clause chaining.

A quantitative analysis of the effect of excision of the AER from the chick limb-bud

Development ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-660
Author(s):  
Dennis Summerbell
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Quantitative Method ◽  
Continuous Process ◽  
Apical Ectodermal Ridge ◽  
Rate Of Change ◽  
Limb Bud ◽  
Zone Model ◽  
Gradual Change ◽  
Analysis Of Results ◽  
Positional Value

The effect of removal of the apical ectodermal ridge from the early chick limb-bud is re-examined using a new quantitative method of analysis of results. The concept of the proximo-distal sequence of laying down of parts is confirmed and evidence is presented thatthis proceeds as a continuous process, there being a gradual change in the level specified from one cell to another at a more distal level. The results are then interpreted in terms of the ‘progress zone’ model to show that they are both consistent with the model and that they provide an assay for one of its parameters, the rate of change of positional value with time at the tip.

Subordinate clauses

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-288
Author(s):  
Jan Terje Faarlund
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Main Clause ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Subordinate Clauses ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Infinitival Clauses ◽  
Finite Verb ◽  
Nominal Clauses

In subordinate clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer word, which may be null. The finite verb stays in V. SpecCP is either empty or occupied by a wh-word, or by some other element indicating its semantic function. Nominal clauses are finite or non-finite. Finite nominal clauses are declarative or interrogative. Declarative nominal clauses may under specific circumstances have main clause word order (‘embedded V2’). Infinitival clauses are marked by an infinitive marker, which is either in C (Swedish), or immediately above V (Danish). Norwegian has both options. Relative clauses comprise several different types; clauses with a relativized nominal argument are mostly introduced by a complementizer; adverbial relative clauses relativize a locative or temporal phrase, with or without a complementizer; comparative clauses relativize a degree or identity. Under hard-to-define circumstances depending on language and region, subordinate clauses allow extraction of phrases up into the matrix clause.

Origin and Geomorphology

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas S. Bianchi
Keyword(s):  
Sea Level ◽  
Rate Of Change ◽  
Interglacial Period ◽  
Continental Margins ◽  
Before Present ◽  
Sea Level Changes ◽  
The Past ◽  
Constant Rate ◽  
Geologic Record ◽  
The U.S

Geologically speaking, estuaries are ephemeral features of the coasts. Upon formation, most begin to fill in with sediments and, in the absence of sea level changes, would have life spans of only a few thousand to tens of thousands of years (Emery and Uchupi, 1972; Schubel, 1972; Schubel and Hirschberg, 1978). Estuaries have been part of the geologic record for at least the past 200 million years (My) BP (before present; Williams, 1960; Clauzon, 1973). However, modern estuaries are recent features that only formed over the past 5000 to 6000 years during the stable interglacial period of the middle to late Holocene epoch (0–10,000 y BP), which followed an extensive rise in sea level at the end of the Pleistocene epoch (1.8 My to 10,000 y BP; Nichols and Biggs, 1985). There is general agreement that four major glaciation to interglacial periods occurred during the Pleistocene. It has been suggested that sea level was reduced from a maximum of about 80 m above sea level during the Aftoninan interglacial to 100 m below sea level during the Wisconsin, some 15,000 to 18,000 y BP (figure 2.1; Fairbridge, 1961). This lowest sea level phase is referred to as low stand and is usually determined by uncovering the oldest drowned shorelines along continental margins (Davis, 1985, 1996); conversely, the highest sea level phase is referred to as high stand. It is generally accepted that low-stand depth is between 130 and 150 m below present sea level and that sea level rose at a fairly constant rate until about 6000 to 7000 y BP (Belknap and Kraft, 1977). A sea level rise of approximately 10 mm y−1 during this period resulted in many coastal plains being inundated with water and a displacement of the shoreline. The phenomenon of rising (transgression) and falling (regression) sea level over time is referred to as eustacy (Suess, 1906). When examining a simplified sea level curve, we find that the rate of change during the Holocene is fairly representative of the Gulf of Mexico and much of the U.S. Atlantic coastline (Curray, 1965).

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