scholarly journals Adjective orders in Cimbrian DPs

Linguistics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-394
Author(s):  
Ermenegildo Bidese ◽  
Andrea Padovan ◽  
Claudia Turolla
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Similar Pattern ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
German Speaking ◽  
Nominal Position

AbstractIn this work we aim to give a first description of the morphosyntactic behavior of some adjectives in the Cimbrian of Luserna. This Germanic variety allows a subclass of adjectives to appear in post-nominal position. This aspect seems to be relevant, since neither colloquial Standard German nor any other German substandard variety spoken in German-speaking areas display a similar pattern. Along the lines of Cinque (2010, 2014), we argue that Cimbrian, with respect to the adnominal adjectival order, has maintained the Germanic pattern of Merge, but permits in some cases NP-Movement above the (“bare” AP reduced) relative clause projection. The fact that adjectives following the head noun are predicative rather than attributive is supported by the fact that post-nominal modifiers never show up with inflection.

scholarly journals Cyclicity and Connectivity in Nez Perce Relative Clauses

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Rose Deal
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Intermediate Position ◽  
Nez Perce ◽  
The Core ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
Relative Pronouns

This article studies two aspects of movement in relative clauses, focusing on evidence from Nez Perce. First, I argue that relativization involves cyclic Ā-movement, even in monoclausal relatives: the relative operator moves to Spec,CP via an intermediate position in an Ā outer specifier of TP. The core arguments draw on word order, complementizer choice, and a pattern of case attraction for relative pronouns. Ā cyclicity of this type suggests that the TP sister of relative C constitutes a phase—a result whose implications extend to an ill-understood corner of the English that-trace effect. Second, I argue that Nez Perce relativization provides new evidence for an ambiguity thesis for relative clauses, according to which some but not all relatives are derived by head raising. The argument comes from connectivity and anticonnectivity in morphological case. A crucial role is played by a pattern of inverse case attraction, wherein the head noun surfaces in a case determined internal to the relative clause. These new data complement the range of existing arguments concerning head raising, which draw primarily on connectivity effects at the syntax-semantics interface.

Noun modifiers and the n preposition in Siwi Berber (Egypt)

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-263
Author(s):  
Valentina Schiattarella
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Supplementary Data ◽  
Global Function ◽  
Possessive Constructions ◽  
And Function

Abstract The three most common strategies used to modify a head noun, namely through a possessive, an adjective and a relative clause construction feature in Siwi the use of the preposition n. Its presence is obligatory in the possessive constructions, but only present before an adjective or a relative clause in some contexts, depending on the level of restriction that the speaker wants to place on the head noun. The aim of the article is to describe the use and function of n in all three contexts of noun modification in Siwi and present supplementary data that helps the understanding of the global function of this preposition.

How ‘person’ got into focus: Grammaticalization of clefts in Lingala and Kikongo areas

Linguistics ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenneke van der Wal ◽  
Jacky Maniacky
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Bantu Languages ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject

AbstractIn several Bantu languages in the regions where Kikongo and Lingala are spoken, we encounter sentences where the word ‘person’ can appear after the subject of a canonical SVO sentence, resulting in a focused interpretation of the subject. Synchronically, we analyze this as a monoclausal focus construction with moto ‘person’ as a focus marker. Diachronically, we argue, the construction derives from a biclausal cleft, where moto functioned as the head noun of the relative clause. This is a crosslinguistically rare but plausible development. The different languages studied in this paper show variation in the properties indicative of the status of the ‘moto construction’, which reflects the different stages of grammaticalization. Finally, we show how contact-induced grammaticalization is a likely factor in the development of moto as a focus marker.

Intervention in relative clauses: Effects of relativized minimality on L2 representation and processing

2020 ◽  
pp. 026765832095874
Author(s):  
Vera Yunxiao Xia ◽  
Lydia White ◽  
Natália Brambatti Guzzo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
First Language ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Intervention Effect ◽  
Intervention Effects ◽  
Relativized Minimality ◽  
The Subject ◽  
L1 Acquisition ◽  
Picture Identification

This article reports on an experiment investigating the effects of featural Relativized Minimality (Friedmann et al., 2009) on the representation and processing of relative clauses in the second language (L2) English of Mandarin speakers. Object relatives (ORCs) are known to cause greater problems in first language (L1) acquisition and in adult processing than subject relatives (SRCs). Featural Relativized Minimality explains this in terms of intervention effects, caused by a DP (the subject of the ORC) located between the relative head and its source. Intervention effects are claimed to be reduced if the relative head and the intervenor differ in features, such as number (e.g. I know the king who the boys pushed). We hypothesize that L2 learners will show intervention effects when processing ORCs and that such effects will be reduced if the intervenor differs in number from the relative head. There were two tasks: picture identification and self-paced reading. Both manipulated relative clause type (SRC/ORC) and intervenor type (±plural). Accuracy was high in interpreting relative clauses, suggesting no representational problem. Regarding reading times, ORCs were processed slower than SRCs, supporting an intervention effect. However, faster reading times were found in ORCs when intervenor and head noun matched in number, contrary to hypothesis. We suggest that our more stringent stimuli may have resulted in the lack of an effect for mismatched ORCs, in contrast to some earlier findings for L1 acquirers.

Headless Relative Clauses in Yucatec Maya

2021 ◽  
pp. 444-474
Author(s):  
Scott AnderBois ◽  
Miguel Oscar Chan Dzul
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Indigenous Language ◽  
Yucatec Maya ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Syntactic Form ◽  
European Languages ◽  
Free Relative ◽  
Syntactic Context

This chapter surveys headless relative clauses (i.e. ones with no overt head noun) in Yucatec Maya, an indigenous language of southern Mexico. For Indo-European languages, discussion of such constructions has focused on “free relative clauses”—those with only a bare wh-word in place of a head—and to a lesser extent, “light-headed” relative clauses⎯those with a dedicated set of pronominal elements in place of a head noun. In contrast, Yucatec Maya is shown to allow for four different kinds of surface headless relative clause forms depending on the presence or absence of a wh-word and the presence or absence of a determiner, quantifier, or other D-element. With respect to free relative clauses, whereas many more well-studied Indo-European languages have morpho-syntactically distinct constructions for definite and indefinite free relative clauses (e.g. with an infinitive or subjunctive form in the latter case), Yucatec Maya is shown to have a single morpho-syntactic form whose (in)definiteness is determined by syntactic context.

Testing the effect of an arbitrary subject pronoun on relative clause comprehension: a study with Hebrew-speaking children

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 959-980 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yair HAENDLER ◽  
Flavia ADANI
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Specific Effect ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Identification Task ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Discourse Pragmatics

AbstractPrevious studies have found that Hebrew-speaking children accurately comprehend object relatives (OR) with an embedded non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun (ASP). The facilitation of ORs with embedded pronouns is expected both from a discourse-pragmatics perspective and within a syntax-based locality approach. However, the specific effect of ASP might also be driven by a mismatch in grammatical features between the head noun and the pronoun, or by its relatively undemanding referential properties. We tested these possibilities by comparing ORs whose embedded subject is either ASP, a referential pronoun, or a lexical noun phrase. In all conditions, grammatical features were controlled. In a referent-identification task, the matching features made ORs with embedded pronouns difficult for five-year-olds. Accuracy was particularly low when the embedded pronoun was referential. These results indicate that embedded pronouns do not facilitate ORs across the board, and that the referential properties of pronouns affect OR processing.

Asymmetries in children's production of relative clauses: data from English and Korean

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 1038-1071 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHAE-EUN KIM ◽  
WILLIAM O'GRADY
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Object Relative

ABSTRACTWe report here on a series of elicited production experiments that investigate the production of indirect object and oblique relative clauses by monolingual child learners of English and Korean. Taken together, the results from the two languages point toward a pair of robust asymmetries: children manifest a preference for subject relative clauses over indirect object relative clauses, and for direct object relative clauses over oblique relative clauses. We consider various possible explanations for these preferences, of which the most promising seems to involve the requirement that the referent of the head noun be easily construed as what the relative clause is about.

scholarly journals Relative clause constructions in Nkami

2016 ◽  
pp. 28-59
Author(s):  
Rogers Krobea Asante ◽  
Qiuwu Ma
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
General Interest ◽  
Retention Strategy ◽  
Descriptive Account ◽  
And Function

This paper provides a systematic descriptive account of relative clause constructions (RCCs) of Nkami, an endangered Ghanaian language, based on synchronic data. It addresses issues that are of general interest in relativization, typology, syntax and grammaticalization. Among other things, it is observed that in Nkami’s RCCs both the head noun and its referent within the relative clause (RC) are explicitly stated, save when the referent is inanimate in non-subject function. Thus, Nkami is among the very few languages that employ the pronoun retention strategy to obligatorily state relativized NPs in subject position within RCs. It also departs from the norm of some Kwa linguists by recognizing a marker, which is similar in distribution and function to what is so-called ‘Clause (final) Determiner (CD)’, as a Relative Marker (cf. Lefebvre 1993, Saah 2010). Hence, Nkami’s RCC is couched as one that employs a ‘bracket strategy’, where two enclosing relative makers are simultaneously placed at the ends of the RC (cf. Kuteva and Comrie 2005). Moreover, unlike most Kwa languages, the head noun is never flanked by a definite determiner. Lastly, we suggest that both relativizers evolved from demonstratives.

scholarly journals Internally-Headed Relative Clauses in Hakha Chin

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefon M Flego
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Embedded Clause

Hakha Chin, an underdocumented Tibeto-Burman language, is reported to have internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs), a typologically rare syntactic structure in which the head noun phrase surfaces within the relative clause itself. The current study provides new data and novel observations which bear on several outstanding questions about IHRCs in this language: 1) Relativization of locative and instrumental adjuncts in IHRCs is avoided. 2) Conflicting stem allomorph requirements of negation and relativization of non-subjects give rise to optionality in stem choice when the two are brought together in an IHRC. 3) To relativize an indirect object, an IHRC is either avoided altogether, or the noun phrase is fronted to the absolute left-most position in the embedded clause. 4) Relativization of NPs with a human referent in an IHRC exhibit relativizer gender agreement, which has not been previously reported for this clause type in Hakha Chin.

scholarly journals Control into infinitival relatives

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 469-494
Author(s):  
JAMIE DOUGLAS
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Head Noun ◽  
Obligatory Control ◽  
Control Relation

This article focuses on a novel English construction involving control and infinitival relatives. Examples such as this is John's book to read have a head noun (book) modified by an infinitival relative clause (to read) and a prenominal possessor (John's). I argue that there is a control relation between the prenominal possessor and the PRO subject of the infinitival relative. I show that this control relation bears the structural hallmarks of obligatory control whilst at the same time permitting PRO to be interpreted as arbitrary. I discuss these empirical facts in the context of a syntactic, Agree-based theory of control.

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