scholarly journals Paris und Berlin nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg: Eine symbolische Nationalisierung der Hauptstädte?

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-88
Author(s):  
Elise Julien

Abstract At the end of the First World War, the memories of the conflict which developed in France and Germany diverged widely. However, Paris and Berlin were something else than just a genuine reflection of their respective national context; their status as capital cities gave them common characteristics. Therefore some similar phenomena appear. On the one hand, those cities may offer a national backing to particular memories, which was especially sought. On the other hand, the concentration of marks of memory in those cities tended to consolidate them in an always more exclusively national role. Thus, a kind of reciprocal nationalization of memory by capital cities and of capital cities by memory occurred. This nationalization is particularly visible in the analysis of the national monuments that emerged in the post-war years. Nevertheless, such phenomena underline variations between Paris and Berlin: Paris stood out without any difficulty as the capital of France, even of the Allied world, while Berlin stood out as the capital of Prussia, with more difficulty as the capital of Germany.

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Rosoux ◽  
Laurence van Ypersele

This article examines the gradual deconstruction of the Belgian national identity. Is it possible to speak of a de facto differentiation or even ‘federalization’ of the so-called ‘national past’ in Belgium? How do Belgians choose to remember and forget this past? To contribute to an understanding of these issues, the article considers two very different episodes of Belgian history, namely the First World War and the colonization of the Congo. On the one hand, the memory of the First World War appears to provide the template for memory conflicts in Belgium, and thus informs the memories of other tragedies such as the Second World War. On the other hand, the memory of the colonial past remains much more consensual – providing a more nuanced picture of competing views on the past. Beyond the differences between the ways in which these episodes are officially portrayed, the same fundamental trend may be observed: the gradual fragmentation of a supposedly smooth and reliable national version of history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 1395-1445
Author(s):  
MANU SEHGAL ◽  
SAMIKSHA SEHRAWAT

AbstractBy providing the first comprehensive account of the role of the British and Indian press in war propaganda, this article makes an intervention in the global history of the First World War. The positive propaganda early in the war, intertwined with a rhetoric of loyalism, contrasted with how the conservative British press affixed blame for military defeats in Mesopotamia upon the colonial regime's failure to effectively mobilize India's resources. Using a highly emotive and enduring trope of the ‘Mesopotamia muddle’, the Northcliffe press was successful in channelling a high degree of public scrutiny onto the campaign. The effectiveness of this criticism ensured that debates about the Mesopotamian debacle became a vehicle for registering criticism of structures of colonial rule and control in India. On the one hand, this critique hastened constitutional reforms and devolution in colonial India and, on the other, it led to demands that the inadequacy of India's contribution to the war be remedied by raising war loans. Both the colonial government and its nationalist critics were briefly and paradoxically united in opposing these demands. The coercive extraction of funds for the imperial war effort as well as the British press's vituperative criticism contributed to a post-war, anti-colonial political upsurge. The procedure of creating a colonial ‘scandal’ out of a military disaster required a specific politics for assessing the regulated flows of information, which proved to be highly effective in shaping both the enquiry that followed and the politics of interwar colonial South Asia.


1992 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 27-48
Author(s):  
Bülent Gökay

The end of the First World War marked the complete disintegration of the multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire. This disintegration was followed by a powerful surge of various nationalistic currents on the one hand, and an international power struggle for the control of the region on the other. The 1918-1923 period, therefore, represents a crucial phase, for not only were the overall forms of the international power relations in the area defined during these years, but the political structures and the orientations of various social and political interests within the states concerned were also similarly determined.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Sinichenko ◽  
◽  
Galina Tokarevа ◽  

The article states that in the conditions of war, first the royal government, then the provisional government, moved to impose fixed food prices. The introduction of «firm prices» for food products has caused shortages. The shortage of goods led on the one hand to hyperinflation and depreciation of money, on the other hand to the growth of smuggling operations and saturation of the Far East market with smuggled food from abroad.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 235-254
Author(s):  
David Brodbeck

On 2 January 1915, during the first winter of the First World War, the celebrated composer Carl Goldmark died in Vienna at the ripe old age of eighty-four. The Viennese press gave the story of his passing the kind of coverage that one would expect for a figure who was described as the “rector of Austrian music,” even its “epicenter.” The notice in the Neue Freie Presse was particularly striking in its imagery: “We, musical Vienna and the entire musical world, stand shaken around the funeral bier of the great composer and Austrian Carl Goldmark.” As the report goes on, the writer makes a clear reference to the growing war effort: “Many of our best and brightest must now die on the battlefield for the fatherland. Goldmark lived for his fatherland, and by creating art touched by the breadth of eternity, he honored the fatherland in his own way and greatly increased the cultural heritage of humanity.” Meanwhile, in the other great capital of the Dual Monarchy, the composer's death was covered very differently. To read the obituaries that appeared in Budapest is to be told that Hungary, not Austria, was Goldmark's fatherland. Here, in effect, both halves of the monarchy were fighting over the same man's legacy—the one, primarily on the basis of his Hungarian birth and childhood; the other, on the basis of his long residency in Austria and the central role he played in the musical culture of late Habsburg Vienna.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Sefrianus Juhani

<p align="justify">On the one hand, the First World War was the epitome of destruction, on the other hand the war spurred humanity to think deeply and be creative. An example of human creativity, a fruit of World War I, was Dialectic Theology, a theology that counter-balances and corrects Liberal Theology. It corrects the concept that identifies God with the human, such that instead of humanity talking about God, humanity deifies itself. Dialectic Theology invites theologians to return to the Sacred Scriptures to rediscover the true concept of the Divine. The God of Christians is the God who is absolutely “Other”, a concept impossible for human reason to grasp. God can only be experienced in faith. Nevertheless, Dialectic Theology is not without imperfections for its theological model excessively absolutizes God. This tendency results in Dialectic Theology falling into a similar fault as Liberal Theology. Liberal Theology falls into anthropomorphism, while Dialectic Theology falls into theocentrism. It also ignors other theological sources, namely tradition and context. Contextual theologies are a reaction to Dialectic Theology. <b>Keywords:</b> dialectic theology, liberal theology, otherness, justification, religion, war. Di satu sisi, perang berdaya menghancurkan, pada sisi lain, ia memacu manusia untuk berpikir dan berkreasi. Salah satu kreasi manusia, sebagai buah dari perang Dunia I adalah Teologi dialektis. Teologi dialektis merupakan teologi yang muncul untuk mengoreksi Teologi Liberal. Hal yang dikoreksi adalah konsep tentang Allah yang bersifat antropomorfistis. Allah disamakan dengan manusia. Di sini, manusia alih-alih berbicara tentang Allah, padahal yang terjadi adalah ia yang meng-allah-kan dirinya. Terhadap realitas ini, Teologi dialektis meminta para teolog untuk kembali kepada Kitab Suci. Sebab konsep mengenai Allah yang benar ada di sana. Allah Kristen bukan Allah seperti yang dipikirkan oleh teologi liberal. Allah Kristen adalah Allah “yang lain”. Allah yang berbeda secara absolut dengan manusia. Terhadap Allah macam ini, rasio manusia tidak mungkin menjangkaunya. Ia hanya bisa dialami dalam iman. Teologi dialektis bukanlah tanpa cacat. Model teologi ini terlalu mengabsolutkan Allah. Tendensi ini telah membuat teologi ini jatuh ke dalam dosa yang sama seperti teologi liberal. Dosa teologi liberal adalah antropomorfisme, sedangkan dosa Teologi dialektis adalah teosentrisme. Kekeliruan yang lain dari teologi ini adalah pengabaian sumber lain dalam berteologi, yaitu tradisi dan konteks. Teologi kontekstual merupakan tanggapan atas Teologi dialektis. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> teologi dialektis, teologi liberal, alteritas, pembenaran,agama, perang.</p>


Author(s):  
Bernhard Maier

The chapter gives an overview of the ways in which nineteenth-century Christian thinkers approached ‘other’, non-Christian religions. On the one hand, it establishes characteristics that distinguish the period between the flowering of Romanticism and the outbreak of the First World War from the periods immediately preceding and following it. On the other hand, it shows the wide range of approaches during the period under consideration, focusing on the struggle with finding suitable technical terms for hitherto unknown religious phenomena and on the scholarly attempts to arrange and classify new pieces of information, in order to integrate them into a unified picture. Special attention is paid to the ways in which nineteenth-century Christian (and secular) debates shaped and were shaped by the study of non-Christian religions. In conclusion, it is asked to what extent nineteenth-century ideas, presuppositions, and preoccupations are continuing to shape our present views on ‘religion’ and ‘world religions’.


Author(s):  
A. M. Yastremskiy​

The First World War has become almost inevitable as a result of the intertwining of different interests of the great powers in the Balkans. The explosive situation gradually escalated and eventually led to irreversible consequences. War became inevitable, as in Europe, on the one hand, some forces prepared and craved war. On the other hand, there were no forces capable of containing the war. Russia could not take over the peacekeeping mission as it caused distrust of both the Triple Alliance and the Entente. She also pursued its interests. Frequent diplomatic and military-political crises on the eve of the war left their stamp on the socio-psychological atmosphere in Europe. During the July 1914 crisis, it became clear that due to the mistake of England, which did not declare its solidarity with France and Russia, who did not want bloodshed, a great war could begin. Russia was already pursuing a policy of concessions to the aggressor, which only aggravated the situation. It ultimately led to a pan-European war.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 488-514
Author(s):  
Udith Dematagoda

This article explores Wyndham Lewis's experience of the First World War, and its influence on his varied artistic output. It interrogates how Lewis's initial ambivalence towards an emergent technological society shifted through direct encounters with mechanized warfare, and speculates on the effect of these upon his post-war writing and criticism. By contrasting Lewis's thought against that of his Italian Futurist contemporaries, I will demonstrate the centrality of their divergent conceptions of masculinity in accounting for this opposition – and how Lewis's critique of technological society prefigures contemporary opposition towards the post-humanist philosophy of Accelerationism.


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